
Class 
Book. 



SMITHSONIAN DEPOSIT 



Ili^tD viral ^odfti) Mxm. 



No. I 



RHMlXISCHNCIiSOFTllBTl-AASkF.PlHi.lC 



No. 1. 



REMINISCENCES 



Texas Republic 



ANNUAL ADDRESS 



DELIVEHBI) BEFOUE THl' 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF GALVESTON, 



JDECEMBER 15, 18T5. 

/ 

By ASHBEL smith 



WITH A PRELIMINARY 



g;otia ot X\u ftisitaiial Variety of (Saliiesitou. 



Published, «¥^--t»e^Society. 

FB 1 1BB6 



GALVEST(JN, TEXAS. 

18V6. ,,:^ 



1 ^ 




vi. Preliminary Notice. 

hoped that a nucleus might be formed, which, with growth, 
wouhl eventually create an attraction for these waifs of 
Texas history. The collection might grow to he valuable 
in the eyes of historians ; and possibly eventually bring 
out something which would be worth giving to the world 
in print, as a contribution to the history of Texas. 

These hopes have been realized in part ; and the occa- 
sion is availed of to give the present scanty record of the 
early days of the society, trusting that it may result in an 
increase of contributions t(j their archives, and a wider 
extension of their sphere of usefulness. 

On the evening of Thursday the third day of August, 
1871, about a dozen gentlemen gathered at the office of 
Messrs. McP]lmore and Hume, room No. 7 in the Ballinger 
building on Post office street. After some preliminary 
conversation and discussion, it was tben and there 

Resolved, That the Galveston Historical Society be now- 
organized ; that for the pur[ioses of this organization the 
constitution and In-laws of the New York Historical So- 
ciety be and arc herel)y adopted as our I'ulus for govern- 
ment, until such time as the needs of the society shall 
require a s})ei'ial organization. 

The resolution being unanimously adopted, an election 
for officers was licld. I)i-. S. M. Welsh was cleetcd presi- 
dent, l>ut subsequently declining to serve, the society was 
admiiiistei'ed during the first year l)y 

Cyrus Thompson, Vice Pi^esident. 

V. Charles Hume, Treasurer. 

HuziER G. Herbert, ISecretary. 



Preliminary Notice. vii. 

1872. 
Til 1872 the following officers were elected : 

A. M. Hobby, Preskknt. 

Cyrus Thompson, Vice President. 

Albert Stein, Treasurer. 

DoziER G. Herbert, Secretary. 

The same gentlemen have been aiinnally reelected, and 
constitute the administratioii of the society in the present 
year, 1876. 

During the year 1872 original essays were read before 
the society by the follo"wing gentlemen : 

Maj. F. Charles Hume, of Galveston. 
Rev. Wm. Howard, I).I)., of Galveston. 
I. M. Calloway, M.D., of Galveston. 

1873. 

The proceedings of 1873 exhibit original essays de- 
livered before the society by 

Dozier G. Herbert, Esq., of Galveston. 

Heber Stone, Esq., of Galveston. 

Rev. H. S. Thrall, of Rrcnhani; author of The 

History of Methodism in Texas. 
I. M. Calloway, M.D., of Galveston. 

1874. 

In this 3^ear but one address was delivered before the 
society, by 

J. M. Walthew, Es(p, of Galveston. 



viii. Preliminary I^otice. 

1875. 

The annual address this year was delivered by Hon. 
Ashbel Smith, of Evergreen, Harris Co., Texas. Its ex- 
ceeding historical value and interest induced the society 
to ask the distinguished author for the copy for publica- 
tion. It forms the first of The Galveston Historical 
Society Series of publications, to which this notice of 
the society itself is prefixed. 



COLLECTAKEA. 

It is the aim of the society to receive and preserve manu- 
scripts, printed matter, maps, and all ol)jccts that may serve 
to illustrate the general history of Texas, and of localities 
and events therein. However slight and unimportant a 
single letter, printed sheet, or object possessing historical 
interest may seem to be when considered singly ; it ac- 
(piires a new value when placed in position with other 
links in tlie chain of testimony to which it may properly 
belong. Trivate letters, memoranda, old ncAvspapers, and 
]»amphlets of little or no apparent value, always throw 
some light on their contemporary times. 

NOTABILIA. 

In this concise notice of the society, we liave sj)a('e <»nly 
to ref^r to a few of the most notable objects in its collec- 
tion. This we do in the hope that the mention will serve 
to awaken in others, the desire to [)lace interesting private 
papers now in their possession, in the keeping of the or- 
ganization. 



Prelimixary Notice. ix. 



Zavala Papers. 1821 to 1836. 

Mr. Aiigustin Zavala, son of the late Lorenzo de Zavala, 
first vice-president of the republic of Texas, and one of 
the most efficient supporters of the plan of Anglo coloniz- 
ation, has deposited with this Historical Society a vahia- 
hle portion of tlie pi-ivate diaries. and pa}>ers of liis deceased 
father. His letter accompanying the donation says : 

" In tendering these valuable records to tlie Galveston 
Historical Society, I am animated by the conviction that in 
your charge they will be preserved as a sacred deposit for 
the benefit of future students in the field of Texas and 
Mexican history. 

"Together witli the papers is a dress sword which was 
worn by my hither when presented at the court of Louis 
Philippe, and a rare printed volume (Amsterdam, 1648) 
of Latin extracts from ancient authors speaking of Iceland 
and western discovery." 

The list of books and papers comprised in this deposit 
is as follows : 

Four diaries of Lorenzo de Zavala; one volume in 
boards, August 17, 1821, to July 31, 1826, 32 leaves; 
various notes 4 leaves, and March 16, 1831 to November 
14, 1831, 48 leaves. 

One volume in l)oards, March 1, 1827 to March 16, 
1831, 117 leaves; and November 15, 1831, to December 
30, 1831, i) leaves. 

One volunu' in boards, January 1, 1832 to September 
16, 1835, 106 leaves ; and a single entry January 18, 1836. 

One stitched volume, 10 leaves, containing autograph 



X. Preliminary Notice. 

copies of seven letters ; and entries made at San Felipe 
de Austin October 11, 1835 to November 10, 1835. 

Letters and papers. One package, 29 letters lrr)m 
Antonio L()}>ez de Santa Anna; one package, 30 letters 
from Jose Antonio Mexia ; one package, 4 letters from 
Antonio V. Casanova; one package, 28 letters {antogra})h 
copies) to various parties; four packages containing va- 
rious memoranda on " Texas affairs," " Mexican affiiirs," 
" Letters and Documents,'- and " Bills and Accounts." 

From the entries in liis diaries it appears that Lorenzo 
de Zavala was born in ^^ucatan, it Avould seem at Merida, 
October 3, 1788, and be died November 16, 1836, at bis 
residence on San Jacinto river, Texas. 

Santa Anna Catture. 1836. 
Personal narrative of James A. Sylvester, of tlie rap- 
ture of Gen. Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, after tbe 
battle of San Jacinto. Manuscript, 3 pp. donated by tbe 
autbor. 

Morgan Pai-krs. 1836-1858. 

230 otticial and private letters received, and replies to 
various parties, Ijy CV)1. James Morgan, commanding at 
Galveston, 1836. 

Correspondence, 176 letters and replies, between C\)l. 
James Morgan and Gen. Samuel Swartwout, 1836-1858. 
Donated by Francis D. Allan. 

Randall Jones. 1786-1820. 
Personal memoir of Ca])(aiii l\andall dones, of Fort 
Lend counly, Texas. Willi letli-r from K. d. C^d(k'r, 
manusci'ipt, is [)ages. honated by d. S. Sullixaii. 



Preliminary Notice. xi. 

MiER Expedition. 1842-1844. 

N^arrative ot'tlie Mier Expedition, by a mcinlxjr ; Joseph 
D. McCutc'lian. Manuscript, 2 vols., 428 i»p. ; 22 pp. mis- 
sing. Donor unknown. 

Magruder Papers. 1862-1863. 

Military Order Book, District of Texas; New Mexico 
and Arizona; General J. Bankhead Magruder command- 
ing. Donated by Sidney T. Fontaine. 

Galveston. 1864. 

Register for 1864 of the male and female inhabitants 
of Galveston city ; with name, age, nativity, occupation, 
term of residence, number of persons in family, and re- 
marks. One volume, manuscript ; males 44 pp. ; females 
34 pp. Donated by the heirs of Ferdinand Flake. 

Liverpool. 1773. 

An Essay towards the History of Leverpool. ('SVr.) By 
William Enfield. One volume. Printed 1773. Donated 
by J. M. Walthew. 

Maps. 

Old manuscript Spanish Map of Texas and Louisiana. 
No date. With fifty marginal historical notes and num- 
bers on map indicating locality. Donated by U. S. En- 
gineer Department. 

Variety. 

The society also possesses a wide variety of autograph 
letters, biographical notices, public addresses, books, 



Xll. 



Preliminary Xotice. 



pamphlets, newspapers, maps, arcliseological remains, etc. ; 
relating to distinguished men, and notable events and 
localities in Texas. 



List of Members of 
Galv 

Ayres, De The, 
Bollinger, W. P., 
Brown, James M., 
Bryan, Hon. Guy M., 
Donnelly, Hon. W. E., 
Fulton, Hon. R. Z., 
(Jould, Hon. Robt. S., 
Herbert, Dozier G., 
Hobby, Hon. A. M., 
Hume, Hon. F. Chas., 
Hurford, 0. P., 
Jack, Thos. M., 
Lufkin,A. P., 



THE Historical Society of 
ESTON, 1876. 

McLemore, M. C, 
Montgomery, James S., 
]Srorris, W. B., 
Rosenberg, Henry, 
Sealy, John, 
Sealy, George, 
Stein, Albert, 
Sullivan, Hon. J. S., 
Thompson, Cyrus, 
Thrasher, J. S., 
Walshe, George, 
WaltlicxN', J. M. 



Honorary Members. 

Giddings, Hon. I). G., Smith, Hon. Ashbvl, 

Thrall, liev. H. S. 



CONTENTS 



REMIXISCENCES OF THE TEXAS REPUBLIC. 

Page. 
Introduction, . . . . . , . , .17 



Annexation, its political hearing, . • . . ,19 

Anti-slaver}' considerations, ...... 20 

Political results, ........ 20 

Territorial effects, . . . . . . . . 21 

Affects European policy, . . . . , . .21 

Anti-slavery society meddlings, . . . . . 21 

Scope of the address, . . . . . . .22 

Actors in the movement, ...... 22 

The reannexation question, . . . . . .23 

Historical review, . . . . . . . . 23 

Sabine river the boundary, . . . . , .24 

Origin of the name Texas, ...... 26 

Texas given to the prince of peace, . . . . .27 



After San .Tacinto, . . . . . . . .28 

Vote for annexation, . . . , . . . 28 
Recognition by the United States, etc., . . . .29 

Anecdote of President Houston, . . , . . 29 

Annexation rejected at Washington, 31 

Administration of Gen. Lamai-, . . . . . 32 



xiv. Contents. 

Couventiou with England, ...... 33 

Redback currency, . , . . . . . 33 

Tlie Saligny trouble, ........ 34 

Mexican naval preparations, ...... 34 

Policy of Great Britain, 36 

Mediation with Mexico, 38 

The war steamers in England, ...... 39 

Action by the British government, . . . . 40 

An interesting incident, . . . . . . .41 

Spanish complications, ....... 42 

Conversation Avith Louis Philipjie, . . . . .43 



Close of 1842, 43 

Incident in diplomatic intercourse, ... - 44 

Matters in 1843, 45 

Good feeling in Euro})e, ...... 47 

Charges of treasonable purposes at home, . . . .48 

Northern opposition to annexation, .... 49 

Causes which overcame it, . . . . . .49 

British Anti-Slavery Society, . . . . . . 50 

Daniel O'C^oiuielTs pledge, ...... 51 

The Andrews and Tappan mission, . , . .52 

Aims of the Anti-Slavery Society, . . . . .53 

Personal witness of its proceedings, .... 54 

Plots and counterplots, . . . . . . .54 

Course of the British cabinet, . . . . . 56 



Proposed armistice 1843-4, . . . . . .58 

Error of Yoakum, . . . . . . . . 58 

Annexation {»roposed f-i-oni Washington, . . . .59 



Contents. xv. 

Rejection of the treaty by the F. S. senate, ... 60 

Views of the Britisli ministry, . . . . . .01 

Tlie (lii)loniatic act, . . . . . . . 01 

Anecdote of Louis Pliilippe, . . . . . .62 

Action of Houston and .Tones, ..... 02 

Cliang-ino- the course of di'stiny, • • • • .02 

Kctlections (licreon, ....... 03 



Administration of President Jones, . . . . .64 

Interview witli Mr. Arrangoiz, ..... 05 

Efforts of the opposition in Texas, . , . . .00 

War Avith IVIexico desired, . . . . . . 07 

Cahnness of President Jones, . . . . . .07 

Course of England and France, ..... (iS 

I'olicy of President Jones, ...... 09 

Supported by Gen. Houston, . . . . . . 0(1 

Cliaracter and VicAvs of Gen. Houston, . . . .09 

A significant incident, . . - . . . . 70 

Feeling between Houston and Jones, . . . .70 

Policy of both administrations identical, . . . 71 



Annexation resolution ])assed 1845, . . . . .72 

The treaty of j)eace with Mexico, . . , . .72 
Opponents of Houston's policy, ...... 73 

Political maiKi'UVL'ring, ....... 74 

Charges of treason and " British gold," . . . .75 

Promises of the T^nited States agents, .... 70 

Labors of Gen. Wicklift' and Conmiodore Stockton, . . 70 

Peace with Mexico rejected. . . . . . . 77 

Closing Up mission to Europe, . . . . . . 7S 

Annexation accomjdished, ...... 79 



xvi. Contents. 

Opinions of leading men, . 79 

Mirabeau B. Lamar and Duvid G. Burnet, ... 80 

General Houston, ........ 80 

President Anson Jones, . . . . . . • 81 

Ebenezer Allen, . . ' 81 

Judge Ochiltree and Wm. G. Cooke, . . . . 81 

Ashbel Smith, 81 

Conclusion, ......... 82 



TNTRODTrr TTON 



The following!; uddress is the Annual Addi-ess delivered 
Dee. 15, 1875, !>}' invitation, before the Historical Society 
of Galveston. It was written without any exjtectation of" 
present puhlication. It has not hitherto ])een the practice 
of tlie society to puhlish addresses delivered hefore it. 
Ill tlie society's letter of iiivitatioii, it was intimated tliat 
pcrsdiial reminiscences and anecdotes chaiwcteristii- of the 
men and times of the early histoi-y of Texas would he 
acceptahle topics. This is mentioned to account for the 
introduction of some reminiscences and an^^cdotes. My 
memorandums increasiuij; in hulk l)eyond my expectation, 
as I i)roceeded, the limits of an address ohli<i;ed me to 
omit many recollections and anecdotes which I intended 
to present. 

I heg to remind those [»ersons who shall do me the honoi- 
to read this address, that it has not been my purpose to 
set forth a full history of annexation ; hut only to i)resent 
portions of the inside history of that great measnre and of 
the men and parties connected with it wliich fell within 
my own knowledge and personal observation — to relate 
facts, opinions and purposes which were l>etter known to 
me than to any man now living. The work 1 liave nnder- 
tiiken, whethei- I lia\'e succeeded in it or not, is not nse- 
li'ss iu)r unimportant. ( ientleinen called by the confidence 
of their fellow citizens to fill the highest oflices in tliehiti' 
republic of Texas, were charged with crimes, machinations 
and conspiracies, which if li-ne would destroy for their 
good name all claim to be esteenuMl lionest nu'U or ]>atriotic 
citizens. The time lias come for their authoi'itative re- 
2 



18 Introduction, 

futation, and for an authoritative clearing away of the mist 
with which interest, suspicion, passion, prejudice and 
ignorance have clouded tlie history of a measure which 
brought on a mighty war in its train, made presidents of 
the United States, baffled aspirants to the presidency, and 
added a million of square miles to the territories of tlie 
mighty American union. 

I have written without favor or prejudice. The lapse 
of more than thirty years has laid the excitement of the 
hour. Thougli not designed for present puldication, the 
address has not been the oft-hand work of an idle hour to 
be thrown aside. I intended to leave it a memorial for 
future use. I have spoken with the calmness of long re 
trospectand with an ever present solemn sense of impartial 
duty. 

After the Historical Society had provided for pul)]ishing 
this address it was suggested to amplify it into a more 
complete history of annexation. To this tliere were two 
objections. The changed pur[)Ose would have necessitated 
the remoulding of the whole. Such a history woidd make 
a formidable volume. Accordingly the address is pre- 
sented to the public as it was delivered, with scarcely 
verbal alterations, without additions or retrenchniciits. 
The frequent personal allusions uiust not be taken as evi- 
dence of the vanity that I [)laycd a decisive or conspicuous 
part in annexation. The invitation of the society aske<l 
for personal reminiscences. For my address T claim but 
one merit — that I claim without drawl)ack or nioditica- 
tion. It is truk. 

AsHBEL Smith. 

Ki)er(jreen.^ Ilarrln ('o., 

Texas ^ J an u : iry , 1 s 7 o . 



REMINISCENCES 



T E X A S R E P U P> L I C 



Tlio aniiexatioii of Texas, from its first agitation com- 
iiieiiciiig irninediately after tlie victory of San Jacinto 
until its final accomplishment, was the subject for a while 
of absorbing national interest. It was also a measure of 
permanent national importance. Its influences will en- 
dure as long as the white races shall live on the continent 
of North America. 

To the slave-holding states the incorporation of Texas 
into the American union commended itself as a means of 
restoring for a time at least their equality with the non slave- 
holding states in political power in the American congress. 
The creation of new states in the west had already de- 
stroyed this e(piality. The disparity was from the same 
cause ra]»idly becoming greater, soon to be overwhelming. 
What wondei- then tliat to the statesmen of the south the 
annexation of Texas seemed a question of political pro- 
sperity oi' of hopeless inferiority — of political ]>oweror of 
political siiltjiigatioii. And such political inferiority, it was 
apjiri'licuded, would lii'ing in its train a profound change, a 
revolution in the social and industrial institutions of the 
south, its social degra(Uition and its economical ruin. Tlu' 



20 Reminiscences of the 

sagacious statesmen of the southern states clearly per- 
ceived the elements of the irrepressil)le conflict long before 
Mr. Seward formulated the idea into the phrase just quoted. 
The accession of votes which Texas coming into the Union 
would bring to the south in the federal congress, with corre- 
sponding power, it was lioped would stave off the evil day. 
The people of the south too were not unjustly alarmed at 
machinations, carrying on mainly in Europe, which aimed 
through Texas to strike a fatal blow to southern institu- 
tions. 

Considerations the reverse of those just alluded to, less 
strong and less general, prevailed in the northern states 
adverse to annexation. Underlying these considerations 
at the north was the greed of political power, which in the 
largest communities, in nations as in the individual man, 
is whetted by possession and increase to grasp tor more. 
Anti-slavery sentiments always existing at the north, ori- 
ginally most honest but dormant from respect to the rights 
of the states guarantied in the federal constitution before 
its late changes, had been long favored by British al)olition 
emissaries from Exeter Hall, salaried by the British and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. Under these influences 
there was now rapidly developing a powerful political 
party animated with active, aggressive hostility to the 
south. 

In this state of things north and sontli, the iinnexation 
of Texas entered as an eh'inent, at times a seemingly con- 
trolling element, in great political contests for several 
years before its consummation. It beat Mr. (^h*iy for t]]v 
presidency — it made Mr. I'olk lu-esicU'iit of the United 
States. I might name other similar consiMiuences, 1»ut 
such are matters of very minor importance. 



Texas Rkpuhlic. 21 

Kot only (lid Texas 1>\' annexation Itriiii;- an imperial 
domain as an accession to the already \ast American 
republic, it was also the sole occasion ot" the wai- with 
Mexico ; a war which resulted in the further acquisition of 
the great south-western Pacilic ocean regions, California 
and adjacent territories. If we examine the newspapers, 
letters, addresses, pamphlets exhibiting the political history 
of the times, and note the intense earnestness of the dis- 
cussions, persons too young to remember those times ean 
then have only a faint idea of the al)Sorbing interest of 
this subject. Mr. Robert J. Walker, s(H*retary of the 
treasury, and Judge Upshur, secretary of state, published 
elaborate letters advocating annexation. Northern politi- 
cians denounced it in protests and official communications. 
It formed a prominent topic in messages of successive 
presidents, it was the subjec^t of special messages to con- 
gress. 

During its pendency annexation was not limited in in- 
terest nor in action to the North American continent. Lt 
gave rise to more than one European policy. It was a 
subject of diplomatic arrangements between the cabinets 
of the great powers of Western Euroi»e, (ireat Britain, 
Frant'c and S})ain. Ft also had its di[ilomati.c disaji- 
pointnients and mortifications. To some of these ar- 
rangements and disappointments 1 shall allude in the 
course of this address. To come lower down, the British 
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, a restless humanitarian 
stalking horse, meddled with annexation for evil. 

Will the future historian find in the annexation of Texas 
the first act of the mighty drama which cidminated in se- 
cession, and on which the curtain fell at Appomattox C\)urt 
House ? 



22 Eeminiscences of the 

The Icuding external facts of annexation, if I may so 
speak, from itsincohate agitation to its consummation, are 
known or may l)e found related more or less correctly in 
l)ooks. As it does not come within the scope of this ad- 
dress to aim at a complete history of annexation, I shall 
only advert very briefly to many of these facts, and the 
limits of an address will oblige me wholly to omit others. 
It is rather my purpose at this time to present sketches of 
tlie inner liistory, the di})lomatic and personal history, the 
history of diplomatic movements, of parts performed l)y 
persons then at tlie liead of affiiirs in Euro[te, in the United 
States, in Texas. I shall endeavor to throw some light on 
causes and motives little obvious to puldic view, littk; 
known or scarcely known at all, which bore on the pro- 
gress of this great measure, and especially on its closing 
scenes, I shall embrace matters known to but few persons 
on either side of the Atlantic, For very few of the [irinci- 
pal actors survive. General Houston, Anson Jones, Gen, 
Jackson, Mr, Tyler, Mr, Polk, Mr, Calhoun, Lord Aber- 
deen, Monsieur Guizot, Senor Garro, minister of Mexico at 
Paris, Don Thomas Murphy, Mexican minister at London, 
and not least in the }»art he took in these ati:airs, Louis 
Philippe, wlio was often liis own minister, and besides 
these, other persons, men of power and leadership in their 
day and deserving well to be named in this connection — 
they are all dead. Peace to their ashes, all. Gaptain 
Elliot, the accomplished British ministei'to Texas, and the 
astute Count Alphonse de Saligny who rcjuH'scntcd l^'raui-e 
still sur\'ive, 

A matter connected with the I'elatious ol' Texas to the 
rest of the territories constituting the Pnited States of 
America, meets us on the threshold of our subject, a?id 



Texas Republic. 23 

deserves consideration. A viigne notion lias existed tliat 
tile territoiy of Texas, sonicliow or otlicr, once belonged 
to the United States before annexation. Mr. Tyler per- 
mitted himself in a message to congress, treating of Texas 
affairs, to speak of the ?'c'-annexation of Texas. You may 
search the entire domain of history, and I assert after full, 
conscientious examination of all tlie relations of Texas, 
you cannot tind a more utterly groundless, a more utterly 
unfounded claim to territory than this one in (piestion. 
The United States never had even the shadow of a right, 
never the faintest color of title. Let us appeal to facts 
uniwrsally known, incontrovertible. Early Spanish navi- 
gators tii-st discovered Texas, landed on its coast and 
laid claim to the country. l'r(_'\'iously to 151)5 they esta- 
Idished settlements on both sides of the Rio Grande. 
This was nearly one hundred years before La Salle, the 
French navigator, then in search of the mouth of the 
Mississippi, was carried by errors of reckoning out of his 
course and landed on Midagorda bay. He indeed 
claimed the country, it is alleged, in the name of his 
master Louis the XIV. Immediately this accidental 
lodgment was known, the viceroy of Mexico sent an 
armed force against the party left by La Salle, broke up 
their settlement, hunted up the fugitive Frenchmen who 
had taken refuge among the Indians and put them to death. 
This is the whole of the French title to the territory once 
constituting the republic of Texas, to-day the state of Texas, 
wiruh persons in the United States affected to claim as enur- 
ing to tlieni under La Salle's settlement, as it has been 
termed, and by virtue of the Louisianapurchase. But the go- 
vernment of Spain not satisfied with this expulsion of the 
French intruders, as they qualified the companions of La 



24 Reminiscences of the 

Salle, fortliwith took steps to establish periuauent military 
occu})ati()ii of the eouiitiy. Accordingly, A.D. 1G98, 
thirteen years only afterwards, the Spanish presidio of San 
Antonio de Bexar was built — A.D. 1716 that of Espiritu 
Santo subsequently called Goliad — A.D. 1718, that of San 
Mio-uel delos Adaes on the Sabine — and, A.D. 1732, the 
town of Nacogdoches. 

In A.D. 1742 the French ].ost of Nachitoches being 
injured by an inundation of lied river, its i-oinmandant 
asked and obtained permission of Sandoval, commandant 
of the ncigli)>oring Spanish presidio of Adaes, to move 
some two liundred yards on h) S[>anish territory. For 
granting this permission San(h)val was immediately re- 
calh'd by the viceroy of Mexico, tried by a court martial, 
and jiiinished in Spanish phrase with the exti'cme rigor of 
the law — put to death. Spain thus held exclusi\c, un- 
([uestioned [tosscssioii of Texas until A.D. 17<i-), wlu-n hy 
the /(iniilji coiii/xicf, as it ^vas calh'il, that power hecanie 
possessoi' of Louisiana by cession i'rom h'raiice. In A.D. 
1800 l)y the treaty of San lldeibnso, Lf)uisiana was I'etro- 
ceded to France " with (he sanu^ extent it had while in 
the possession of France." In A.D. bSO:) the Tnited 
States purchased Louisiana tcrriloi-y from 1^' ranee. (A)\'et- 
iug Texas tlu-y sul)se(]uently applied to France' to su[»- 
jiort their claim to the Kio (irande. Instead of sustaining 
this pi-etension the French go\ernnient atHrnied the 
title of Spain to the country west ol" the Sabine. l>ona- 
part- was then consul, 'ralleyrand, minister for I'oi-eign 
affairs, in his reply to the a[i[)lication of the I'niled States, 
took occasion to hint more modesty in their demands. 
Matters renuiined thus until A.D., 181!'. In the treaty 
of that year with Sjiain, the United States recogni/A'd the 



Texas Republic. 25 

country ot" Texas as lielongiiii!; of ri<>;lit to Spain ; and 
tliey renounced tbi'i'vcr for themselves all elaini to the 
territories lyini;' south and west of the line forniiiiii,- the 
l)oun<hiry of Texas on the nortli and ni)rth-east at the 
time of annexation. 

I have l)rought with me for inspection hy nuMuhers of 
the society, curious in these matters, a " Map of North 
America, with the \W'st India Islands," |»uhlislied in 
London, Fehruaiw, A.D. 1777. it is stated to he " laid 
down accoi'dinn' to the latest surveys and corrected from 
the oriii'inal materials oK (Jovernor I'ownall, mcinhcr of 
parliament." Mr. lidward Kvei-ett said to me that it is 
known hy the name of Governor Pownairs map, that it is 
vei'v rare, and that the one hefore you is one of the only 
tliree copies he had heard of. He htid i;'iven his own co[)y 
to the commission for runnim;' the nortli-eastern houndary 
hetw'cen tin' ITnited States and the British [>ossessions. 
The map hefore us was obtained in the city of Mexico, 
wlu'n that t-ity was in possession of the vVmerican arnues 
under ( ieneral Scott. You may observe that the Sabine 
is both dotted and colored throuii;hout its entire course to 
indicate the boundary between Mexico and Louisiana. 
The lower }(ortion of the Sabine is hei'e called the Mexi- 
cano, the u[i[»ei" portions the Ivio de los Adiais. 

Was it then not worse than idle for President Ty't-'i"? ••' 
a messa<;'e to c()ni;"ress, to speak of annexation as " re- 
claimim;- a territory f)rmerl3' constituting a portion of the 
Tnited States," and to style it /vaimexation V with the 
implied idea that the peo})le of" Texas were only tenants 
at will, and not owners of our countiy, ami that annexa- 
tion was only a restoration, a reconveyance to the Ameri- 
can union of what was once rightfully a part of it? 



26 Reminiscences of the 

I litive dwelt at some length on tliis preliminary portion 
of our .subject, but not more than the vindication of truth 
demands, not more than is required by justice to the old 
citizens of Texas, who won this land with their swords, 
and who have a right to be truthfully represented before 
the world and before posterity. 

As we have Governor PownaU's map before us, we may 
note that on the region between our north-eastern bound- 
ary and the (\)lora(lo, we find TIC AS in cajiital letters. 
It is im}»ossil)k' to determine whether this is the name of 
a region of country or of its alioi'igiiial inhabitants. The 
ty[»e is the same as that used elsewhere on the map to 
designate districts of country and also Indian tribes. Is 
it Indian or Spanisli in its origin ? Is it the iiaine of an 
aboriginal tribe and the origin of the Spanish Tc.nis or 
Tejas — is it the English spelling of the Spanish Tcras or 
Tejas? It is clearly the same word as the })resent Texas ; 
l>ut I fear the etymology of the Latin W(,)rd is still ho|»eless 
despite the waste we have witnessed, of learning and 
conjecture.' 

If I do not tire your [»alience witii prdiiuiiiaiy matters 
I will relate some incidents which for a- while seemed 
likeh- to launeli Texas on a widely diflei\'nt career from 
tile one it has followed. 



' Dr. Jolui ({ilinary Slie;i, tlic Iciriicd ;iiul coiisciciitious truiislator of 
Th: IliMory and General, DencriptMn of New France, by the Kev. P. F. 
X. lie Cliiiilevoix, S. .T., Vol. fv, page 80, note, says: " Fatlier Moiti in- 
cludes iukUt llie name of Texas (wliieli he e.xplains as Texia, frienih 
the Texas, Asinais, Navedaehos, N.ageodoehes, Nacogdoches, Nadocogs 
Ahijites, Codojrdachos, and Nasonis. These Texas, in 17(il, were governed 
liy Sanale Adivia (Great Lady), a chief taine.ss with four husbands." 
Fallier Morh's }femorias para la lluiioria de la Prorlnrin dr Texas, are still 
in manuscript. — Galv. Jlkt. Society. 



Texas Kepup.lic. 27 

More tlian tliirU years ii^-o I met repeatedly in Taris ajier- 

soiiage very noted in b^iiropean liistoiy diii'iiii;- the early 

years ot" tlie })re8eiit eeiitui-y. Tlie Prince of l*eaee, Jl 

Prineiiie de la I'az, Don Manuel (ilodoy. This personage 

said to me that his master Charles IV, king ()fS|)ain, had 

hestowed on him the provinee of Texas to he an apanage 

of the house of Godoy. The king had also assigned to 

him the young ^\■onleIl in tlic Female Asylums of Spain to 

go thither — that is to eome hitlier — together with "JIlOO 

soldiers, for the settlement aiul [ternuuient inhahitation of 

tliis, our present state of Texas. The soldiers WH're desig- 

nati'd, the transports were heing got in readiness to sail. 

The French invasion of Spain, under Napoleon, at this 

moment, made the soldiers needed at home. I'lie enter- 

[)rise was ai'rested. The Spanish damsels were restored 

to their asylums. The mighty events in Spain following in 

(puck succession and involving nearly all Europe prevented 

the enterprise of Godoy from heing ever resumed. There 

appears no reason for doul)ting Godoy's narrative. 'I'he 

whole was a titting incident in the history of the Spanish 

court during those hideous times. W^hen I used to see 

Godoy, then seventy-six or seventy-eight years old, ]\r still 

exhihited traeesofthatheauty of Antinouswliich nu)re than 

thirty yeai's ]»efore had wrought the infamy of the court in 

which he ruled, the all powerful favorite of tlie queen as 

well as of the king. When 1 met- him, Priiu-e (Jodoy was 

living ill very {>lain ajtai'tiuents on the fifth slory in a siuall 

street near the houle\ard. I lis sole means ol'siihsistciice in 

his age and in his po\-erty, he said to me, was ;')()()() francs 

paid to him annually hy King Louis riiilijipe — a salary 

he was once entitled to as a ""rand oiiicer t)f the lei!;ion of 

honor. I sometimes saw him wrapped in a Spanish cloak, 



28 Reminiscences of the 

.sauntering' solitary on the Ijoiilcvards, gazing at tlio things 
displayed in the shop-windows. 



The great battle of the old Texians for life, for freedom, 
for their homes and for their altars, culminated in victory 
on San Jacinto. When pausing from this death-struggle 
they contemplated their situation and cast about for the 
future ; their home goxc'rument and their cxtenud politi- 
cal relations tlienceforward naturally occupied the fore- 
most place in their counsels. To resume any union with 
Mexico on any guaranties whatever, in view of the causes 
which had impelled them to take u[) arms, A\as a folly not 
to he thought of. From Mexico they were effectually 
and forever sc[)arated. So iar as concerned that counti'y 
they felt tlu'mselves fore\er independent. They had won 
and well coidd kee[) their lands. lUit other matters 
e<pially grave (lcmandc<| att('ntit)n. '^fhey put in opera- 
tion a- provisional go\'crnHicnt for immediate use. The 
wvxt pressing business was to obtain the recognition of 
their indejx'udence by the nations of the world, and to 
estaldish pci-mancnt international relations for '^Fexas. 
The two ohjccts were inscparahle. Should they look to 
founding a. [termancntly sc[ia-rate, indejiendeni state, with 
a population so meagre in nuuibers V IJold in battle, they 
were modest in council. Accordingly at the tirst election 
ofotHcers inider their new constitution, polls were also 
o[»ened for votes/'o/' or (Kjaiiisl annexation ti) the United 
States. The \'ote for annexation was almost nnainmous. 

Application was made by Texas to the American go- 
veiMiment for tlu-ii' I'ecognition of oni" independence. The 



Texas I^kpuislic. 29 

resolution tor recoo'iiitioii in tlu' Anu'i-ican scMiatc wsis 
l)arclj passed by a vote of 23 to 22. Had the taking of 
tlie vote l»een deferred to the next (hiy it would ha\'e heen 
decided in the negati\n'. Koi' a- motion to reconsider, 
nuide that (hiy, ■\vas h)st l>y a tie vote, 24 to 24 — a full 
senjite. A year lacking a tew duys had elapsed since tlu; 
overwhelming victory of Han fFacinto. Mi'xico a])pcared 
uuahle to make then even an etfort. It was a year lack- 
iug two short nu)nths since General I'l-esident Sauta Anna, 
had hy solemn ti'eaty acknowledged tlie indejiciidence of 
Texas. A young man at this day nuxy well he j»ardoned 
for feeling surprise tliat party prejudice and unreasoning 
fanaticism shoidd have so jierilled before the American 
senate the acknowledgment of what was after all simply 
an ohx'ious fact. 

The proposition foi- annexation }»resented to the Ameri- 
can secretary of state, Mr. I'\)rs3'th, was at once categori- 
cally declined. T]\e application was withdrawn l)y 
Pri'sident Ilonston. The Texas commissionei- sent to 
England and France, negotiated treaties with those 
powers. These are matters of published history : I need 
not dwell on them. 

In accordance with the intimation that jtersonal remi- 
niscences characteristic (^f those times will be interesting 
I will relate here an incident illustrati\e of the times and 
of President ITouston. 

San Antonio was much the largest, richest, most intlucn- 
tial city of Texasof that period. Ftwas I'cmotefrom the seat 
of the Texian governmt'iit. There was no inter\ (.'uing pojtu- 
lation between it and the Mexican frontier, l^'oi- its pi-o- 
tection and that of the country, a considerable s(piadroii of 
cavalry was stationed in that city. This squacb-on was in- 



30 IIeminiscences of the 

deed the only military force of Texas kept mobilized — that 
was ready to take the field. Major Western, who com- 
manded this l)0(ly of cavalry, had hy some acts and signifi- 
cant innendos intimated that he cared very little for the one 
horse govci-ninciit in tlic city of Ilonston. President Hous- 
ton was apprehensive that an order to recall the major or 
to relieve him mio-ht he disoheyed. It was announced pub- 
licly that a minister would be appointed to represent 
Texas at tlie court of 8t, .Tames. Col. Wm. II. Patton 
was going to San Antonio (Ui his own private business. 
President Houston, in a long and friendly conversation 
with Col. Patton, at length adverted as by accident to the 
proposed mission to England. He spoke of Major Western, 
lauded his polished manners, his courtly address, his diplo- 
matic ability — said the major reminded him strongly of 
Mr. Van Buren — asked Col. Patton what he thought of the 
appointment of Major Westei'ii to this mission. All this he 
begged Col. Patton to hold in strict confidence — " nothing 
was absolutely determined on" — "(^>1. Patton need not 
be surprised at anything." The president, waiting till he 
heard of Col. Patton's arrival in San Antonio, sent through 
the war department orders to Major Western to report in 
person at the seat of govei-nment. The major presented 
bimself in Houston radiant and dccoi'ons as 'I'itus at the 
head of tlie Roman legions organized for the con(|Ues( of 
Jernsaleni. "^rinie rolled on. The major became visil)ly 
impatient despite tlie gi'acious accord with which President 
lloust'm greeted liini. At length lie began to iinpiire 
very ((uietly wlio was to be appointed to JMigland — be in- 
(|nii"e(l of your speiiker wlio was a nieiiiber of Houston's 
staff — but Asbliel Smitli ''knew iidtliiiig ol' cabinet 
matters, he was not a lueiiibi'r of tlie cabini-t." Finally, 



Texas Republic. 31 

iiistnu'tions were being iiiadr out in the state dcpartnicnt 
and Gen. IMnckuoy TTonderson was makini;- })i"('i>aratit)ns 
to leave tV)i" Ijondon. The runioi- leaki'(l out — "the major 
would not believe it" — " President Houston had iK'tter 
iudgnient of lueii "' — "what did Henderson know of di- 
plomacy." The appointment of Gen. Henderson l>eeauie 
an establisbed faet. The major " was disgusted " — ""lie 
would go back to San Antonio" — and so be did, but he 
Ibund his sueeessor tbere well established in command of 
the cavalry. Referi-ing to this matter at the time. Gen. 
Houston said to your si»eaker tliat be would lia\'e no pro- 
nunciamentos of tbe Mexican fasliion in Texas during his 
presidency. During his second presidenc}- be bad to con- 
front and ward off the far more perilous danger of two 
pronunciamentos which were threatened and which might 
have ])roved disastrous l)ut for his consummate tact in 
charming them down. Kecuri'ing to the im-ident just re- 
lated, Gen. Plouston at a subsequent time provided com- 
fortably for his disappointed old friend, tlu' major, by 
placing him at the bead of the Indian bureau. 

Treaties with the two great powers of western hhiro]»e, 
England and France, appear to have been negotiated with- 
out any serious obstacle. There were indeed some curi- 
ousinci<h'nts coniu'cte<l with the Fi'ench negotiations w hich 
our limits to-night prevent me from relating. 

The votes t>f the American senate on recognition and 
on the motion to reconsider wlien carefully examined 
l)eing ad\-erse to '^Pexas, the [)rompt and unmitigated re- 
jection of the a[i}ilication foi' annexation by Mr. FcU'syth, 
American secretary of state, seemed to jiut an end to all 
prospect of Texas forming a portion of the American 
union. 



32 Eeminiscences of the 

Tlie term of General Houston's presidency expired in 
December, 1838. He was succeeded by Mirabeau B. 
Lamar, a gentleman distini^'uislied tV)r chivalric courage, 
spotless integrity and pure patriotism. The subject of 
annexation was indeed at rest. Opposition to it was the 
av^owed policy of the new administration. Events of 
grave moment at the time took place during General 
Lamar's presidency, but none having immediate, direct 
bearing on annexation. It is sufficient for our })ur[»ose 
at this time merely to advert to some of these ; we need 
not dwell on them. A ridiculous affair that should ru'ver 
have l)een suffered to be heard of, the killing of a pig at 
:i horse trough, endjroiled the adhiinistration of Texas 
with M. de Saligny, the French minister. This gentle- 
man demanded his passports, sus})ended diplonuitic in- 
tereoui'se, and left the eountry during the rest of Gen. 
Lamar's administration. 'I'lie ill advised Santa Fe ex- 
[K'dition ended in almost ignominious disaster, '^flie 
finances of the country, always a sure index of national 
pros})erity or of adversity, were at the lowest possible ebb. 
The public debt was increased enormously, several hun- 
dred jxr ccntiini — not a dollar in tlie treasury — ]>ublic 
credit absolutel}' null — its rcdlKieks issued on the faith ot" 
the repul)lic had fallen in nominal \aliie to thi'ee or lour 
cents on the dollar ami were used only in fancy traffic or 
wilder speculations. Mr. Mcintosh, who had been left 
\)\ (ieii. IFenderson on liis return to Texas, as rharjir d" 
(iljiiirts at Paris, was suffered to remain there through 
sheer neglect, his salai'y unpaid, himself sorely end)arrass(.'(l 
by want of means (»f subsistence. (Jen. Lainar's adminis- 
tration was nota success. The country had notimproved. 
The Indian tribes on oui- froiitiei', frieuilly under the ])re- 



Texas Republic. 33 

codinii; adiuiiiistratioii, liad lyecome exasperated and hos- 
tile. Texas liad not n'l-owii in the esteem of nations. 

Durinu' this a(hninistratioii (ien. James Hamilton, re- 
presenting Texas in Kuroi)e, had negotiated with the 
Tiritish irovernnu'nt a (■iuircii/'nii, in which it was stiiai- 
lated tliat Texas wonld assume Cl, 000,000 of the deht 
due from Mexico to the English holders of its l)onds, 
when the l>ritish government l>y its good ottiees with 
Mexico sliould ohtain jti-ace and the recognition of 
Texian independence l»y Mexico. British statesmen were 
sincerely desirous for the prosperity of Texas and the 
tirm estahlishment of its independence. This was the 
nmving cause of the successful negotiation of this conven- 
tion of mediation, in such untoward circumstances at 
lionie. 

General Houston's second administration as president 
was inaugurated amid this general dilapidation. His first 
care was the finances. The system of oxcliequers limited 
in amount not to exceed |200,000 was adopted to meet 
immediate wants. They were denounced as a revival of 
old redhacks under a new name. Despite ill Ixxling vati- 
cinations of speedy worthlessness, despite the virulent and 
contemptuous liostility and machimitions of sj»ecnlators 
and bankers eond)ined, mostly residents of (xalveston, the 
exchequers, after temporary depression below their face 
value, rost' to full par with gold and continued at par till 
the end of the republic. They \vere freely received in 
exchange for American eagles, English sovereigns and 
Fri'iich napoleons. l>uring the latter period of the I'c- 
imlilic they were in little use. They accomi»lislie(l their 
ol)ject. Texas enjoyed practically a currency of gold. 
Uen. Houston stated to your speaker, at the time of the 
3 



34 Eeminiscences of the 

first issuance of excliequcrs, tbat lie alone was responsible 
for the system — that in this matter, his secretary of the 
treasury was only a clerk. 

The French imbroglio demanded early attention. Your 
speaker was the bearer of a letter from tlie state depart- 
ment to the French government which, adverting to the 
difficulty only to ignore it, expressed a wish that M. de 
Saligny should return to his post in Texas. This gentle- 
man did so. This was the end of the iniliroglio. Admiral 
Baudin afterwards informed me in France that M. de 
Saligny on this account was in bad odor at tlie foreign 
office — tn'.sinal note au.r Affafirs Etranfjerh. France might 
affi)rd to do wrong, she could not submit to be rendered 
ridiculous. The imbroglio, absurd in its origin, might have 
led to disagreeable conse(|uences. Your speaker who was 
authorized to permit AT. de Saligny to take a copy of the 
letter from the state dei)art)iK'nt just alluded to, met in 
company with this gentleman in l^ew Orleans, Captain 
Renard of the French navy, eommanding tlie shij) of war 
La I>rillante, M. de Saligny informed him that (.'aptain 
Renard with his ship were there subject to his orders. On 
reading the letter, M. de Saligny had no orders to give. 

Ratified copies of the treaty negotiated by Gen. 
Henderson and of the convention ncijotiated by (icn. 
Hamilton, both with Great Britain, bad not been ex- 
changed. Your speaker, then newly a[t])()iiitc<| minister 
of Texas to England and France, was cliargi'd with tlic 
exchange of ratified cojiies of these instruments. ()ii his 
ari'i\al in London in April, 1S4'J, lu- IraiMU'd llmt two w;ir 
steamers were building in Uritish [lorts and ncai'ly com- 
pleted for Mexico and to be em|tloyi'(l against Texas. 
They were the Guadalupe, an iron stcanu-r building by 



Texas Republic. 35 

Messrs. Ijuird at ruTkciilu'iul i)ii tlio Mersey opposite 
Liverpool. Slie was very stroiio;, drew only four feet with 
her armament ahoai'd, eonstrueted to ojx'rate on the eoast 
of Texas and to ra\ai;-e the coast eouiitry. The othei- war 
steamer was the Montezuma, a lai-i;"er vessel of dee]>(.'r 
draught, huihling hy Messrs, Green and Wigrani in the 
India docks on the Thames near Lon(k)n. These war 
steamers wwc eonti-acled for hy M. Lizardi, Mexican 
consul at ljon(h>n, a\()we(liy for the wai- against Texas. 
I could not ascertain whether or not Mexico had l)een 
ahle to raise moniw for building these vessels hy nego- 
tiating a loan. A rumor in Jjon(h)n gave out that the 
steamers wei"e paid for with money furnishe(l to (Jeneral 
Santa Anna hy the Afexican clergy. T also heard some 
time afterwards that the Englisli holders of Mexican honds 
had enahled AFexicoto make an additional loan ofi:200,000. 
However that may he, it was too unimportant a matter to 
he worth in([uii'ing into afterwards mIicu tlu' fact might 
have been ascertained. My clear opinion at the time was 
that the aholitionists of the British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society rendered the most zealous countenance 
and aid to Mexico in this attempt at a renewal of active 
hostilities against Texas. Whether they made contribu- 
tions in money or how much or wlu'thi'r they lent their 
powerful inlliieiice oidy is of no moment. As a general 
fact these abolition leaders were much more liberal with 
their influence than with their own money. They were 
remorseless enemies of Texas to the last. 

r have spoken of the building of these war steamers in 
Kngland, though lia\ing at tirst blush so little a|»parent 
connection with tlie future ri'lations of Ti-xas, because 
they hecame closely connected with tlie first or opening 



36 Reminiscences of the 

scene, if they did not indeed constitute its leading inci- 
dent, of the last act of the drama of annexation. For 
four 3'ears from the peremptory rejection of the applica- 
tion of Texas hy Mr. Secretary Forsyth, annexation had 
lain at rest, sometimes alluded to, l»ut practically in in- 
definite aheyance. From this time forward there was no 
real pause in its agitation until it was forever sealed hy 
vote of the citizens of Texas, A.I). 1845. 

The British cahinet on the application of CTcneral Hen- 
derson, commissioner of Texas for the admission of the 
repnhlic of Texas into tlie family of nations, recognized 
with reasonal)h^, graceful [»romptness Texas as a nation, 
and entitled to all the courtesies and rights due and he- 
longing to all sovereign nations. They desired that Texas 
should continue a separate, independent nation and go- 
vernment. They made no secret of their wisli nor of their 
reasons for this wish. On the contrary these reasons were 
frankly avowed. 

They were in substance — Texas "was a purely agricul- 
tural country. For obvious causes agriculture would for 
a long period constitute the main pursuit of its people, 
however numerous they might become. They wouhl 
of course l)e large consumers of foreign manufactures. 
The freight of these and of i-aw materials in exchange tor 
thi'Ui would give employment to a considerable cominei'- 
cial marine. Great ]>ritain desired to find in Texas a 
market for her merchandize "without having to clinil* 
over the United States tariff." These are Lord Aber- 
deen's words to me. Texas was known to he the best 
cotton growing country in the worhl — it was of immense 
extent — it was now in the hands of a ])eo}>le energetic, 
civilizt'd, who would utilize its vast capabilities instead of 



Texas KEPUULrc. 37 

allowing tlnMii to rciniiiu .sterile ais they had been for three 
eeiituries under Spanish rule. Great Britain consumed 
millions of hales of cotton. They wished not to he almost 
wholly dependent as they then were on su[»})lies from tlie 
United States. Their statesmen made no secret of their 
willing'ness to see an independent state established on the 
south-w^estern l)order of the American union which should 
arrest its furtlier extension in that direction and prevent 
eiK'roaehnient on the territories of Mexico. 

The foreign commerce of Mexico had been h)ng done 
mostly \vitli or tlifough British merchants — its mines of 
silver and gohl were worked with I>i'itisli capital — theii- 
richyiehls of the precious metals reached the workl through 
Britisli merchants. That government naturally wished to 
[)reserve this tield of Britisli enterprise against encroach- 
nu-nt by a powerful neighl)or. '^Fhe British cabinet knew 
that Mexico could never subjugate Texas. They desired 
[leace for Mexico as well as for Texas; for only in peace 
could the industrial and commercial interests just alluded 
to }»rosi»er. You see herein, gentlemen, a policy that 
might be honestly entertained and honorably avowed. 
It woi'ked no injustice to other nations. There was neither 
secrecy nor the atlectation of secrecy. The American 
ndnister at London during this period, Mr. Edward 
Everett, as the minister of the mition most friendly to 
Texas, was made accpuunted with the details of the inter- 
course and business of the Texian minister with the British 
cabinet. It was eminently pro[)er that a frank and good 
understanding should subsist between the American and 
Texian ministers at the British court. Other reasons re- 
(piiring there should be a full and frank understanding 
between them arose afterwards. 



38 Reminiscences of tjie 

At 110 time, in no manner, did tlie British government 
attempt to exercise or even bint the remotest wish to ex- 
eniise any itolitical intiiieiice in the attairs of Texas, or to 
possess any advantage, obtain any facility, enjoy any pri- 
vilege that was not equally and as fully accorded to ever}'^ 
other power in amity Avith Texas. 

I have already spoken of the conrention negotiated 
under Gen. Lamar's administration stipulating for the 
mediation of Great Britain Avith Mexico. I reached 
London in April, 1842, bearing ratified copies oj* this 
conrention and of the general treaty previously nego- 
tiated, to l>e exchanged on bclialf of Texas for similar 
copies from the British government. Before my arrival, 
the minister for foreign affairs, Lord Aberdeen, not 
Avaiting for the exchange of ratifications, had instructed 
]SL-. ]'aekenham, British minister at Mexico, to bring the 
proffer of mediation beibre that power. C\)nsiderable 
correspondence had taken ]>lace. "^riie Mexican government 
categorically refused to entertain the ([uestion of peace on 
any terms into which tlic independence of Texas entere(l. 
Sefior Tornel, one of the cabinet Init not ol' the foreign 
department, assured Mr. Packenham tliat no man, no 
])arty in Mexico, could admit the indepeiuU'nce of 'I'exas 
for a moment and sustain tlicnist'lves. Sucli was the in- 
foi'mation of Lord Alierdeeii ti» the Texian minister rela- ' 
five to mediation umler the <-<>w:enii<>n. 

Theratitied treaties wereexchange(l with liord Aberdeen 
in face ol' urgent I'cmonstrances hy the anli-shi\ tTv ahoji- 
titmists and in disregard ol" a caution ol»tni(h'(l \)\ a Mr. 
Doran Mailtard. This Mr. Maillard had just [mlilished a 
voluminous lihel of 500 or (iOO pages on Texas, its climate, 
its jiroductions and its iieoph>. 



Texas Kepuhlto. 80 

Tt lias bocii ;ili-i':i(ly stated that tlici'c wrw Imildijig at 
this time ill iMi^'hiiid tor Mexico two powi-rful war steamerB. 
They were nearly ready to sail and lornu'd jiart of ample 
pre'}iarations making- by Mexico to suhjugate Texas. They 
carried each, two 68-pounders Paixluiu pivot guns, besides 
lighter armament and small arms. Their munitions of 
war and supplies for men were in ({uantities extended into 
cargo. In t\\v words of Mr. Laird about the Guadalupe 
Avhicli was built by his house, " they were armed to the 
teeth." They were commaiuled by two distinguished 
r)ritisli offieers, Captain Cleveland and Captain Cliarle- 
wood of the royal navy. They were uuxnned l)y British 
seamen mostly recruited in London and Portsmouth. 

An energetic protest with details of the facts was promptly 
addressed by the Texian minister to the minister for foreign 
aiiairs against this violation of neutrality Ijv [)ermitting 
the building and arming of vessels of war and the organ- 
ization of hostile expeditions in British ports against Texas, 
a country in anuty with Great Britain. The British 
cabinet acted tardily and with seeming great reluctance in 
forbidding these vessels to sail from their ports armed, 
loaded with military su})[)lies, manned by British seamen 
avowedly for the Mexican service against Texas. They 
were also slow in forbidding their gallant officers just 
named from taking active service under Mexico against 
Texas. In the case there were some end»arrassing circum- 
stances. The models of these steamers had been furnished 
by the British admiralty. The admiralty had also granted 
permission to the ofHcers in (piestion to take temi)orarv 
service in the Mexican navy. Sui-h i»ermission was not 
unusnal. Permission had been given m^t many years [)re- 
viously to British officers to take service in the internal 



40 Reminiscences of the 

war of Spain and in a similar war in Portngal. The several 
acts complained of in the protest of the Texas minister, 
the armament, the taking of foreign ser\dce by officers, 
the recrniting of men in Great Britain for foreign service 
were not necessarily violations of British nuinicipal law. 
The Act 59, George III, commonly styled the foreign en- 
listment act, conferred full discretionary power on the 
council in such matters. 

It was only after several jirotests presented on t-ach new 
development of facts connect lmI with these hostile stt-aniers 
that the government acted decisively. The (Juadahiiie, 
some time detained, \\as not permitted to sail until she 
had discharged her armament. The Montezuma was 
arrested, examined by order of tlie admiralty, and com- 
pelled to discharge her recruits and her armament before 
sailing. Captain Cleveland and (^i])tain Charlewood were 
permitted to go in command of the ships, but were oth- 
cially notified that if tlic}- look any part in operations 
against Texas they would l)c gazetted, struck from the 
rolls other majesty's service. 

President Houston, referring to the (.'arnestness ol' these 
protests and apprehensive that the zeal of the Texas 
minister might outrun his discretion, wrote to him a pri- 
vate letter, axhising that " when your hand is in the lion's 
mouth it is safest to withch'aw it (inietly without ship[>ing 
the lion on his nose." 

It is not out of place, ]ierha|is, in thesi' reminiscences to 
mention a nuitter and an infi(K'iit which, though not 
strictly germane to oui" sulijecl, may l>e(K'eme(l somewhat 
interesting as ilhistratiw of the times in (jiiestion. The 
ojiinion was exju'cssed to me l>y gentlemen of high stand- 
ing in Enghuid, it was more positi\ely assert^'d in high 



Texas Republic. 41 

})()litic':il circles in Taris, that tlic unsettled relations 
between the I'nited States and (ireat Britain, renderini;- 
Avar not wrv ini[»roltahle, ^^■as a motive ol'tai'dv action in 
the case ot'the Mexican wai" steamers. Foi-, it was averred, 
ill the event of such war Mexico would he di-ai;-i;\M| in on 
the side of England, it was shortly aftt-r the attiiir of the 
steamers that Lord Ahi'rdeen <lid the Texas minister the 
honor to in(|uire his o[)inion on the sentiments ]>re\ailini2; 
in the TnitiMl State's on the ()r(.'<;'on and noiih-westei'n 
houndarv ([Uestion and '' Mr Polk's r)4" 40', or li^'ht." 

In the conversation Loi'd Aht-rdeen I'emarked that the 
I>ritish government did not c:ye a |iin, comiiarati\elv', 
uhout Oregon and the I'uget sound country; hut that the 
universal conviction in Knghind was that the country to 
the Colund»ia river helonged of right to (Ji'eat IJritain and 
that the United States was attem[iting to ludly iMigland 
out of it. He further stated that [luhlic fet'ling in that 
country had l)eeome so excited on this std)ject, that were 
the queen's ministers to take any step showing a disposi- 
tion to submit to the American pretension, a motion of 
want of confidence would within twenty-four hours be in- 
ti'oduced in pai'lianient, and Lord -lohn IJussell would 
I'ome in as a war minister. It was thought by youi* speaker 
that Lord Aberdeen made tliis statement advisedly that 
it might be communicated to Mr. Everett, the American 
minister. It was so communicated to this gentleman. 

The leaders of the British and Foreign Anti-Sla\'ery 
Society, wielding much of the iuHuence o|' their nnmei'ous 
alHliated associations and of their emissaries scattt'red 
abroad, were entered into the atfairs of Texas and Mexico 
witli the energy of famiticism on the side of Mexico for 
the subjugation of Texas. Other things appeared to con- 



42 Reminiscences of the 

spire with theiu favorably for Mexico. Mr. Pai-kenliam 
stated ill liis dispatelics, as Lord Alierdeeii inforiued nie, 
that Mexieo eoiinted on the assistance of Spain. Shortly 
afterwards I learned from a liigli official sonrce, in Paris, 
tliat Spain had dispatched a man-of-war to the West 
Indies to he in readiness to aet with Mexico, and also had 
promised much more additional luival support. On the 
strength of this information I sought an interview with 
General Saucho, Spanish minister in London. I intimated 
to him distim-th- that Spain, taking pai't Avith Mexico in 
this war, could not fail to l)ecoine embi-oiled witli the 
United States. I ventured to suggest that a better course 
would he for Spain and Texas to estahlish friendly and 
commercial relations liy treaty, adding that [ was furnished 
with powers to conelude siieh treaty. General Sanelio 
re[)lied, that he had no information on this snhjeet — 
di[»loniatieall_y he did not choose to ha\e any. lie added 
that the captain general of (^iha was in the hahit of taking 
ini}»ortant steps on his own Judgment, without consulting 
the home government. I left him entertaining no doubt 
of the correctness of my information, and of General 
Sancho's knowledge of the A\hole matter. Santa AniKTs 
]>eremplorv rejection of [Jritish mediation, Senor 'roi'iiel's 
semi-official (h'elaration to Mr. I*aekenhani, ahn-ady men- 
tioned, and the eooperation of S]»ain enlisted by Mexit-o, 
leave no room to doubt that Mexieo was in savage earnest 
to subjugate Texas. 

To show iiow I'ar reaching wen- the schemes connected 
with \b'xico, it will not be wholly out of place hereto 
relate a statement made by Louis IMiilippc, in a comi'rsa- 
tiou I had the honor to have with him in 1S4:). Tlu' king 
was pleasi'd to say that they — he did not indicate who 



Texas Republic. 4:^) 

"they'' wrri' — tliut "they" liad asked him lor one ol' 
liis sous us a |irincc' to [tlacc on the tlii-niu' of Mexico. He 
continued with almost eai;'er eui[)hasis, '' Thev shall ue\er 
have a sou ot uiiuc.*' Touitiu<^ towards England — the 
newspapers luid Just anuounccd that the queen was in a 
delicate situation — I said if there continue to l»e i-apid 
accessions to tlie queen's family as hitherlo, lMii;-laml mi^-ht 
spare a pi'inee and their exehe([uer he none (he worse for 
it. lie (luiekly I'ejoined, " Tliat \\'ill ne\'er do, That will 
never do; the queen's sons are protestants, the Mexicans 
are catholics." On my adverting to what might l)e the 
views of Spain and England relative to the proposed es- 
tahlishment of a nionarehy in Mexico; the king ol»ser\'ed : 
" S}taiii is ^\■illillgor favors it. England has nothing to say, 
makes no ohjection, does not ap}iear to care aliout it." 
"Was I authorized to suspect strongly that Spain was the 
leading power in this scheme, and that it was connoeted 
with the frigate sent and the further aid })romised to 
Mexico ? Was this scheme the emhryo of the empire of 
Maximilian ? 



Tlie projected campaign of Mexico in 1S4:^, foi- suhju- 
gating Texas, had proved a failure. ( )n the side of Texas, 
our tinanci's were in a (le[)lorahIe stale, our ci'e(lit was not 
yet revived ; serious dithculties had arisen withthe volun- 
teers who eanie to Texas that year, and who might form 
the nucleus of a military [tower ; our intei'iial condition 
was not solid and harmonious. Mr. Tackeidiani informed 
his government that these facts were well known and 



44 Reminiscences of the 

counted on in Mexico, But Mexico was not ready. 
Serious delay had been imposed on the sailing of the war 
steaniei's — restrictions had l)ccn laid on their command- 
ers — when at length these vessels reached Vera Cruz, 
they were not armed, supplied, manned and officered, as 
it had Iteen arranged they should be. 

The Hamilton convention proving a hopeless failure, 
President Houston instructed your speaker to invite the 
go\ernments of France and Great Britain to join with the 
ITnited States in a triple re[)resentation to Mexico in be- 
half of peace. The British go\'erninent at once signitied 
their readiness so far as related to themselves alone. They 
declined to act jointly with the ITnited States, The re- 
lations of the United States with Mexico were such as to 
preclude the belief that their participation would further 
the objects of the }»roposed repi-esentation. France, both 
the king and Mons. (lui/ot, accepted the in\itiition with 
graceful }iromptness. But tlie British go\eriiinent eventu- 
ally declined to act jointly \v]\\\ any other power. Their 
good offices were urged with great eai'iiestness on Mexico, 
singly. They appeared to have no immediate results, but 
dou'l^tless told at a later day on the course then adopted 
by Mexico. 

I will here relate an incident illustrative of illplomatic 
intercourse and an instance ol" masterly silence. In con- 
sequence of a conxci'sation 1 had with the I'ritish ministi-r 
for foreign affairs, long extracts from two dispatches were 
subsequently placed in my hands in Downing street for 
pei'usal. The lirst wasa dis|)atcli from the r>ritisli foi-eign 
office, endiodying a xcry forcible argument lo sliow w hy 
Mexico shoidd at once make peace with Texas on the 
basis of independence. Mr. rackenham was instructed 



Texas Republic. 45 

to read this (lispatcli to tlu' Mexican <j;-(t\H'i"iiiii(iit. The 
second was from Mr. Paokcnhaiirs dispateh in reply, ac- 
([naiiitin<4" his u'o\-erniiieiit ot" his ha\'ing' executed his in- 
structions. He stated that a s[)ecial audience \vas ap- 
pointed for coninumicating to the Mexican secretary of 
state the dispatch in (juestion. TTe rend tlie dispatch to 
JMr. T)OcanegTa, wiio, lie remarked, ninh'rslood English 
as well as he himself did — he read with great distinctness 
and deliheration, gi\ing full force to the argument. Senor 
Bocanegra listened wilh profound attention — in perfect 
silence — hetrayed not the slightest emotion in any way 
during the reading. The reading concluded, Mr. i'acken- 
hani having nothing to add, was himself silent. Senor 
Bocanegra sat for a minute or more, silent, thought- 
ful, motionless. Then witli his usual calm courtesy he 
addressed Mr. Packenliam on matters haxing no ri'lation 
whatever to the subject of the dispatch. Mr. Packenliam, 
a diplomatist of no mean ability, of much experience, 
added that he could not form an opinion of what influence 
or whether any was produced by the disjtatch on the 
Mexican secretary of state. 

I now proceed to speak of matters occui-ring in 1S4;). 
Upwards of a j^ear had now elapsed since the second ad- 
ministration of President Houston had been inaugurated. 
Texas had acquired in a marked degree the res[>ect of the 
great European powers, and their confidence in the stability 
of our institutions and in our ability to maintain our in- 
de})endence. Mexico had beiMi signally baflled in her 
attem])tsto renew on a res[)ectable scale hostilities at;-ainst 
Texas. The trouble with the vohmteers jiad been con- 
jured down, and tranquility reignc'd within. Peace with 
the Indian tribes and tlie security of our frontier had been 



46 Keminiscexces of the 

restored without siil)si(lj, by the good tkith of Gen. Hous- 
ton in dealing with these aboriginal owners of the domain. 
Tlie exchequers, the paper eurrenc}^ of the country, had 
reached nearly par with gold and wci'e still rising. ISTot 
a single dollar had been piled on the mass of public del)t 
previously ineurred. This jtrosperity of Texas was duly 
reportetl Ijy tlie British and French ministers resident here, 
and l)y European gentlemen of standing who visited Texas ; 
and it was fully believed oh tlie other side of the Atlantic. 
The contidence thus iiisj»ired naturally led the gi'cat powers 
of Europe, I allude especially to England and in a. scarcely 
less degree to France, to regard Texas with mnch favor 
and to wish to establish and to extend solid relations with 
us. They appreciated our immense natural resources for 
producing raw materials and consecpiently our means for 
trade. It was their interest to foster our developing in- 
dnstrial greatness. These powers knew it. They had the 
sense to know and to act on the knowdedge, that in estab- 
lishing and strengthening our politieal relations and in 
favoring the settlement of our political alfairs, they were 
promoting our industrial develo])ment and at the same 
time, by ccuisequence, their own commercial interests. 
Other European powers signified their readiness to estab- 
lish international relations by treaty with Texas. The 
VQYy favorable changes in the affairs of Texas which I ha\e 
adverted to, were not attributed to accident, were not con- 
sidered as results of that vague something sometimes 
called good bn-k. They were esteemed the legitimate 
effects of the sound judgment, the practical good sense, 
the cajiacity tor ;ubuinisl,i"ation of ( icn. Houston. This is 
not :in inferential opinion of mine. It was the; mature 
o|)inii>n expi'csscd to lue more than once by high officials 



Texas Hepubltc. 47 

with whom I transacted busiiii'ss on the otlier side of the 
Athiutie. 

Do you ask \\\\y T nuMitioii sncli matters? Do you in- 
quire wliat eouneetion they lia\'e with tlie tortunesol'Texas ? 

This good feelinu' in Kuro])e thus lionestly and honor- 
ably ac(juired, tlie (Uspositiou in coiisequeucc manifested 
l)y those jiowers to i>romote and foster Texas, their untir- 
ing etforts to procure honora])le peace for Texas thougli 
their good offices were repeatedly rejecti'd hy Mexico, were 
oi>enly invoked hy i»ersons in the highest offices in the 
United States, Tresident Tyler in the numl)er, as proof 
conclusive that General ITouston and his administration, 
and Anson dones who sncceeded him in the presidency of 
Texas, were plotting to sell Texas to an European power. 
That they were engaged in a deliberate conspiracy to sell 
Texas to England. I may here some\\hat anticipate the 
mention of events, wiiich I propose to relate further on 
more succinctly, l)y a brief statement. 

Evidences of the confidence inspired and the friendly 
disposition entertained hy foreign powers, reaching Texas 
at that time, were then hailed with hearty satisfaction by 
the people of Texas. They were afterwards revived, 
gravely commented on, and a\'ouche(l as proofs of a long 
contemplated cons[)iracy against Texas and against a broad 
continental American ]»olicy, not only l)y heated politicians, 
but they were tortured to mish'ad honi'st miiuhMl gentle- 
men. Vet all this while, up to the last moment of the in- 
corporation of the rej)ubli<' of Texas into the American 
union, no European powei' e\'er c\'cn hinted, much h'ss 
did any one ]»ropose, any [tolitical adxantage or iiiHueiice, 
or any political relation whatever, nor sought any commer- 
cial facility which should not on the same terms be ecpudly 



48 Reminiscences of the 

open to the woi-ld. T sun^lj need not add at tills time of 
day, tliat no sneh tliouglit even entered the minds of the 
gentlemen who administered the affairs of Texas during 
the period in (piestion. Had there heen even a shadow of 
anytliing of the kind, T must, from my otHdal jiosition, 
needs have known it. Tt may, too, seem aliunde the 
record of Texas history, to vindicate the integrity and 
loyal hoiK'sty of European cahinets in their dealings witli 
Texas, But, Ije pleased to hear iiT mind that the vindica- 
tion of these cahinets is at tlie same time the vindication 
of the honored chief otHcers of the i'e]inhlic of Texas, 
Voti, my younger hearers, may thiidc it scarcely worth 
while to rake up now forgotten calunmies. Recollect that 
history is compiled hy seai-cliing old documents, con- 
temporary piddications, and journals of puhlic hodies. 
Charges against Sam Houston and against Anson Jones, 
against [tersons in high otheial jiosition at home and pi'r- 
sons re})reseijting Texas ahroad, charges, T say, of ])olitical 
dishonesty, of trcasonahle purposes, of treasonahle cor- 
respondence, of cons])iracy against the weal of the repuh- 
lic of Texas, foniul frequent [tlace in the IIoKsfn/i 
T(i(yra/>/i and in the Galvefitov Neirs of those days; in 
fugitive ]»amphlets, in pnl)lishe(l h'ttei's of distinguished 
United States politicians, and in sonu' American ne\\s- 
papers, notahly in the snhsidized Picoi/Kiie oi^^ew Orleans, 
Motions and resolutions implying ground for helief in 
charges of this natnre, were introduced in the Texian con- 
gress and still stan<l among tlie jirinled journals of those 
l>odies, i'ossihly hut t'oi'tlif laltei' I might ha\-e lelt these 
stale calumnies to jiei-ish, to he forgotten, of their own 
woi'thlessness. It is one of the painful things in human 
natiii-e, that in the great st ruii'g't'''^ '"i" human riu'hts and 



Texas Republic, 40 

for liberty, tlic i>riiu'i|t:il actors I'litcrtain tlie worst sus- 
picions and make i;-ravc' ciiar<>,'cs aii'ainst cacli otlicr. 
Contemplate Thomas Jetl'erson and .lolni Adams. 

Xeitlier tlu' cause ot'Texas, neither its independence, nor 
annexation, were vie^^■ed with favor in the northern states. 
()}>position to its incorporation into the union was ahnost 
universal in those states. The votes on recoo-nition as it 
is termed, and annexation, twici' tendered and twi(;e 
spurned, thrnish [iroof of these facts. Atlen<;-th however, 
at a somewhat later period, a pretty strong party friendly 
to annexation grew up there. The belief that a plan was 
organized or at least on foot in (Jreat Britain to meddle 
with the institution of slavery in the south, in Texas first 
and as }U'eliminary to meddling with and abolishing it in 
the then southern states, nu)re ])i'obably than all other 
causes, led to the creation of the pai'ty in the noi'thern 
states friendly to Texas. The same belief united the 
entire masses of the southern people. From the declai-a- 
tion of independence one hu!idred years ago up to a very 
recent time, nothing so powerfully stirred up, ai-oused 
sinudtanoously, tlie American people north and south, as 
the suspicion of British interference in American affairs. 
The belief that the purpose was entertained in England 
to abolish the institution of slavery in Texas, as the opening 
campaign of a crusade against this institution in the then 
United States, was the strongest original ground work of 
the movement which was consunnnated in ann^'xation. 
Did there exist, in fac-t, real ground for this sus]>icion, 
this belief ? Was it truth oi' was it a chimera? W^as it 
a Trojan hoi-se filled with armed men, oi' was it an unreal 
mockery of a huge monster evoked by politicians to jirac- 
tice on the people? Mr. Tltomas II. Benton, in his 



50 Eeminiscences of the 

Thirty Years in the Ainerican Senate, has aifected to 
sneer at the whole su^^jeet of an anti-slavery movement in 
England. How far his hatred of Mr. Calhoun and of 
other gentlemen, misled that very ahle and very prejudiced 
statesman, cannot l)e ascertained. But it requires an abler 
man than he to sneer down or rail oif the seal of truth 
from established facts. 

I shall first make a brief succinct statement, tliat we 
may not confound in one mass persons and }»arties unlike 
and wholly disconnected in action, in the matters we liave 
now under consideration. 

There existed at the time in question, it still exists for 
aught I know, the British and Ft)rcign Anti-Slavei-y t^o- 
ciety, having its seat in London, with numerous atfiliated 
societies in Great Britain and other countries. The leaders 
of the society in question were meddlesome, restless, un- 
scrupulous traffickers in spurious humanitarianisin. They 
entered with savage eagerness into the cause of Mexico at 
an early period against Texas ; they promoted the building 
and fitting out of the Mexican war steamers designed to 
ravao-e the coasts of Texas, as has been stated ; thev did 
not pause or I'elax in tlieir machinations to tlu' last moment. 
With these individuals T believe tlie British cabinet, of 
which Sir Robert Peel was diief and in wliicli Lord Abi-r- 
deen was minister foi" foreign aftairs, had no synq»atliy; 
and for tliese individuals J believe these gentlemen bad no 
respect. Butopinion is free in Great Britain. The Uritisb 
ministry has no more cont rol o\'er sncli men I lian M r. Secii'- 
tary Upshur had oxer tlie Llnyd ( iai-risons, tlie Wendell 
Phillipses and Jolm Urow ns of tlie noi'tliern slatt-s. Tin' 
British nniiistry \\ante(l peace; peace everywhere, i)eace 
in Mexico, peace for Texas, peace with the United States; 



Texas Republic. 51 

uiiliiiiiUK'iHMl coiiinu'i'cc with all, and in coinicction witli 
this view tlu' [ir(is|tri'it_v of all. Tlic*ii|ilni()ii 1 tlicii Ittrnicd 
of tlio loyal iiitoi;-rity of tlu' Iradiiig nu'inhcrs oftlir Ui-ilish 
oahiiu't of that }>c'rio(l, is coiiiirmcd hy a calm retrospect 
after these loiii;' years. Nor does the calmiiii>- influence of 
time a])ate aught of tlie detestation I then liad, for the abo- 
litionists whom I have just alluded to. For them, history 
has l)ut oiu' ]iaralU'l, The in(|uisitors of the Spanish in- 
(piisitiou hui-nt their ^■i('tim at the stake for the good of 
his soul. 

In my remarks at this time, ahout these parties, T restrict 
myself to matters and actions of tlieirs bearing* on and 
closely connected with Texas. 

In 1830, an early period as you see in the histor}^ of 
Texas, and some four years before the period under our 
immediate consideration, ]\Ir. Daniel O'Connell [tuhlished 
a letter having reference to Texas and its institutions. In 
this letter Mr. O'Oonnell pledges himself to introduce in 
the ensuing session of parliament certain motions. One 
was: " That an address be presented to her nuijesty, hum- 
bly })raying that she nuiy be pleased to give directions to 
her nnnisters, to endea^■or to nudct' such an arrangement 
with the government of Mexico as would place at their 
disposal such a portion of the unoccupied territory of that 
republic, on or near its northern boundary — "to wit: 
" end)racing the republic of Texas — as should be suffi- 
cient for the purpose of establishing an asylum or free 
state of persons of color, her majesty's subjects, who may 
be desirous to emigrate to and establish such free state." 
The republic oi" Texas, forsooth, a ])ortion of the republic 
of Mexico three full years after the achievement of our in- 
dependence, and the expulsion of every person owning 



52 Reminiscences of the 

allegiance to Mexico from our territory! ! Texas "unoc- 
cupied " tliougli lla^•tllg• livo<l three full years under a 
peaceful government of hiw at home and recognized as an 
iu<lci»en(lent inition abroad I I ! The impudent coolness 
is worthy of the individual who penned the letter, and its 
falsehood and inicputy are characteristic of the persons who 
inspired it. 

In June, 1843, Lord Aherdeen informed me that two 
Texians had presented themselves at the foreign oflice, 
claiming to he representatives from Texas, and stating 
that they had important ])ro|>ositions to sulnnit iVoiii tlie 
people of Texas to the (lUcciTs government. They assev- 
erated that these propositions, looking to the prompt aho- 
lition of slavery in Texas, wert- sanctioned hy leading- 
citizens. Lord Aherdeen turned them over to thi' undei" 
secretary, Mr. Addington, until he should \\ii\v an inter- 
view \\'itli the accredited ministt'r of Texas. This inter- 
view, at Lord A's invitation, took jilace promptly. These 
two sell-a|i|M)inted re})resentatives were Mr. Stejdien Pearl 
Andrews, jireviously an attorney in Ti'xas,and Mr. Lewis 
Tappan, one of the notorious Tappan hrothers of New 
York city. The latter individual had never Iteen in Texas. 
Lord Aherdeen, on being iid'ormed that these indi\i(luals 
were me(ldK'some intruch'rs and not rc|)rcsentati\cs of any 
opinion or j)olicy in Texas, said "■ they will not he again 
recei\c'(l hei-e at all.'' They never were again admitted to 
an intci'N lew with any mem her of the foreign otHce. These 
nun had ai)[)roached the loi'eign otHce on the in'isoiial in- 
Iroduetions, and on false |ti'etenses, under (he aus|iic*.'s of 
the Lritish and l^\)i-eign A nti-SJaxcry Society. 

Tile objects and }»oliey of the anti-sla\'ery sot-iety in 
their machinations and crusade against Texas were pal- 



Texas "Republic. 53 

pal)k', umiiistakablc. Slavery bein^" (K-clared aholislicd 
ill Mexico, tlie subjugation of Texas l)y Mexico was ipso 
facto, by orii'auir law, its abolition in Texas, A free negro 
colony oi' state on tlir soutli-westerii frontier of tlir union, 
as projected and as set tbrtli in tlu' Icttci- I liaxc (|noted 
from of Mr. ()'(\)nnell, would be a refuge and rcndi'zvous 
for runaway lu'groes from the southern states. A wound 
would be opened in the vitals of southern institutions; a 
free lU'gro state liere would be an eternal festering thorn 
in the side oi' the rnited States on their most ex|)Osed 
tlank. It would serve as a l»:ise of incalenlable power and 
eonveiiieiicc' for hostile operations in thi' event of war, 
which could not ha\'e been long ax'erted. This intent, 
these pui'|K)ses, this |)ers[)eetive, eominen(h'(l the eanse of 
Mexieo to tlie remorseless fanatics of whom I am now 
speaking. The Mexican war steamers, Knglish built, 
arnu'd, manned and othcei'ed, as bclbiH' relate*!, chimed 
with their schemes. But enough of that enterprise. 
Aiming at Texas tirst, at the southern states afterwards, 
these wretched pedlers in humanity wei-e })lotting to 
crush out the Anglo Saxon race in Texas; to remand this 
fair land hack to the wilderness and barbarism of three 
centuries; to deluge the soutlu'rn states with blood; to 
immolate a [)eople sprnng from a common country, speak- 
ing the same language, ha\ing in the main the same 
political institutions; that they miglit lift np a free negro 
foi- the admiration of the world, and themselves for its 
plandits and for its conti'ibntious in money. It is scarcely 
necessary to ad<l that their impudence was [iroof against 
the snnbi>ing they met with in Downing street. 

I have not made the foregoing statements without being 
sure of mv facts. 1 attended different meetings of this 



54 Reminiscences of the 

Boc'iety, notably the annual meetings held in June 1843 
in Free Mason's Hall, Great Queen street, London. These 
meetings, ostensibly pul»lie, Avere in some degree practi- 
cally secret. The card of admission of Mr. William Clark, 
editor of the Lomlo)) 3Iornin<i Herald^ given to me by that 
gentleman, carefully scanned, nevertheless procured for 
me admission. AYlien plans were laid for overturning the 
institutions of Texas, and for using Texas as a catspaw for 
undermining the bordering states, it was my duty as re- 
jtrcscntative of Texas, to use all proper means to ascer- 
tain them. I made memorandums at the time of the 
plans and counsels 1 lieard discussed in that society. 
They aimed at the al)olition of shivery in Texas, they 
scrupled not at the means nor at the consequences. They 
tried to launch their own government in the crusade, to 
compass which they recoiled from no misrepresentations. 
They belied their own government ; they falsely repre- 
sented it as favoring theii' schemes in order to magnify 
their own iniluence, and as it ap[>eared to me in order 
also to inveigle other co(")|)eration. < )f these facts there is 
no mistake. 1 heard the reports, 1 witnessed their pi'o- 
ceedings. Plans of [dots against Texas and against the 
southern states were discussed, nio(lific(l, laid over for 
furtlicr consideration in my licaring. 

These facts were communicated to ISfr. \au Zandt, 
Texas minister at AV'^ashington, as well as to (uirown state 
deparlnient. My letters were in the hands of Mr. Cal- 
houn, who, as he afterwards told me, phn-ed tluun with 
.Judge Ui»shur. Hut it was by no means through the let- 
ters of the Texas minister at London, that was maiidy 
(•on\-eye(l the int'onnatioii which so powerfully t'Xcited the 
puhlic )uintl in tlie United States. The pur[toses and 



Texas Repuhlic 55 

])oastiiigs of tlic anti-slavery faiiaticisiii were advisedly 
scattered l)roadeast. Ivuiii<»r with Iier tliousand toiitrnes, 
mostly ill exaii'gvrated letters of alai'inists, broiii;'lit tlieiii 
hither. As a speeimeu 1 iiieiitioii an iiicidi-iit iiisi^-nilicant 
eiiougli taken by itself. Mi-. A. I. ^'ales of (Jalveston 
wrote a letter to a Mr. (Vmverse, au Anieriean then in 
London, on some colonization enterprise. In a sort of 
postserijit Mr. Yates stated that lu- had had an iniporlant 
eonversation with ('apt. l^lliot, then lii'itisli minister in 
Texas, on the aliolition of slavery in '^Pexas, and that (!apt. 
Elliot wonld make it the subject of a communication to 
his government in his next dis}»atehes. He sng'gestecl to 
Mr. Converse to call at the foreii>'n otHce and. i>-Qt a look 
at Capt. Elliot's dispatches ! A queer idea Mr, Yates surely 
had of business in the foreign office. (-Jen. ^)niY (ireen, 
then in London on a singular semi-official mission, got a 
copy of the letter. Naturally an alarmist lie had the letter 
of Afr. Yates, witli existing comments and inuendos, 
widely circulated in American newspapers. The worst 
effi^ct of this publication was that through slieer ignorance 
of the writer, Mr. ^'ates, it seemed to coniKCtthe British 
cabinet with the abolition crusades. Other incidents of a 
similar character occurred at this period. Public sentiment 
at the south was iniiamed to exasperation at the idea of 
British intermeddling with slavery. Tt was keenly re- 
sented by leading democratic statesmen of the north. Mr. 
Everett, American minister at London, pi'eser\'ed silence 
on these sulijccts till, as 1 had reason to belie\'e, his atten- 
tion was pointedly in\ited to tliein by his own gox'ernnient. 
Mr. Everett was an acconi])lislied scholar, even among the 
scholars of Europe; a gcnth'inan of \arie<l and accurate 
information, adorned ^^■ilh virtues, but by temperament 



66 Reminiscences of the 

too timid a politician to be a statesman. Holding anti- 
slavery notions his silence appeared to ]>o misinterpreted. 

An inflamed, exasperated })ul)lic opinion in the United 
States at the idea of British interference with onr domestic 
institntions powerfnll}' hastened iinnexation. And as the 
fanatical schemes of certain parties in that country have 
been distinctly stated to-night, it is fitting also here to 
narrate with exactness the course which the British cal)inet 
actually pursued during tliis ])eriod in relation to this 
subject. 

Every Englishman is opposed to slavery. Tliis opinion 
is, as it were, a part of the common law, and obtains uni- » 
versally. But he is not necessarily a fanatic or a propa- 
gandist. Careful in([ui ry, conducted indirectly for greater 
certainty, satisfied me that whatever communication may 
liave l)een made by C^aptain Elliot to his government on 
abolition in Texas, if made as stated in Mr. Yates's htter, 
it was wholly ignored at the foreign otfice. Immediately 
Lord Aberdeen was informed that Messrs. Andrews and 
Tappan were intrusive representatives, he gave orders 
that they should not be again received. They liad but 
one interview and tbat a brief one. At that interxiew, 
on theii' stating their errand, he I'emarked that it was the 
wish of the government, that slavery shonld l»e al»olished 
everywhere. To the in([niry, wlu-ther the goNernment 
would guaranty the interest on a small loan which should 
enable the people of Texas to do away slavei'y, he re- 
plied thai his government was extremely averse to such 
guaranties; bnt, he was nol jircjiarcd to say that thiy 
would not guaranty for this j)nr]iosc, "if it was the wish 
of the /naple of 'Je.nis." This was a fi'aid<, voluntary 
statement made bv Lord Aberdeen to me, to enable me 



T-EXAS Republic. 57 

to (lis;i1»ust' tlic Texas goveninu'nt of error if any existiMl. 
He liad no synipatliy witli tlu'sc sdicnu's and maiKi'Uvres, 
he was manifestly diso-usted at tlic ctforts made to drag 
the name of tlie cabinet into tliem. 

Sliortly afterwards T liad an intt'r\ie\v witli liiin osteii- 
siltly on a ditfeiTul matter. I then believed and still 
l)elie\'e, that this inter\ie\v was liad mainly in reference 
to the exeitt'meiit eansed in the Ihiited States, by tlie 
belit'fthat niaehinations were goini;" on in London with 
the knowledge and, as was thonght, with some eoopera- 
tion of the British go\ernment, for interfering with, ami 
for the overthrow of, American slavery. To his in(|nirv 
covering the whole gronnd, \ re})lied : ■■' The excitement is a 
patent fact. The people of the northei-n states are very 
generally opposed to slavery. Xevertheless, almost to a 
nnin they would unite with the south, to repel any out- 
side or foreign interference at the risk of any consequences, 
however extreme." In re|)ly, Lord Aberdeen thouglit 
the excitement uncalled for — thei-e had been no real 
cause for it — he regretted it — he s})oke of the immense 
trade between (^reat Britain and the ILiited States, citing 
some statistical figures, as a reason why they should wish 
to maintain a good understanding with the United States — 
he regretted he had said a wM)rd on the sul)iect of slavery 
in Anierica; and " since it had given so much ottense 
across the water, he would not say another word on this 
subject." lie requested me so to state it. Accordingly 
I made this statement to Mr. Everett. I communicated it 
to tlie secretary of state of Texas. I wrote it to the Texas 
ministei" at AVashington. Am T in ei-ror in sup})osing 
Lord Aberdeen tliought Mr. Lverett somewhat remiss in 



58 Reminiscences of the 

keeping liis government correctly informed on tlie agitat- 
ing matters in question ? 



The armistice proposed ])\ Mexico and the negotiations 
which took place without result in tlie w^inter of 1843-4 
must not he passed over witliout notice. Notice is ren- 
dered more necessary in order to correct a grave error in 
the incomplete and otherwise not wholly reliahlc history 
of Texas by Mr. Yoakum. In vol. ii, 421, Mr. Yoakum 
writes : " At the same time Texas was informed that Mr. 
Doyle, the British charge d'affaires had been instructed to 
propose to Mexico a settlement of her difficulties with 
Texas based upon the al)oliti()n of slavery in the latter." 
Mr, Doyle was not so instructed, he was not instnu-tcd at 
all on these matters. The proposition of an armistice 
came unsolicited from Gen. Santa Anna. Mr. Doyle had 
nothing to say about it. Apparently it grew out of, per- 
haps was a part of, the conferences of General Santa 
Anna with '' lawyer Robinson " — matters of pec-uliai- no- 
toriety at the time. Mr. I'ackeidiani was at this time in 
London on leave of absence from his ]iostin Afexico. He 
stated emphatically that Santa Anna could not retain his 
position two days were he to treat with Texas on the basis 
of independence, and also that Santa Anna was himself 
personally bitterly opposed to it. 

On the lOth of Juur Loi'd AbcrdiTii said to me with 
special reference to this aniiisticc — " Tlu' Ib'itish i-c-pn-- 
sentative at Mexico has been for some tinu' silent on this 
subject" — silent on the suhject of the relations of I'exas 
and Mexico and on British mediation. .\t the same in- 



/ 
/ 



Texas REPrBLir. 59 

terview, on iiiv iiitiiuatiiiij; that tlu' armistice iiiii;-lit bo 
preliminary to peace on \\iv l)asis of independem-e aiul that 
it might he the result of the friendly otiices of her majesty's 
government ; lie replied that he did not think the armistice 
was the result of such friendly offices, nor that the possi- 
ble interpretation which I had suggested of its being pre- 
liminary to peaee was the correct one. In a conversation 
the same day on the same subject with Mr. Addington, 
under secretary of state, after alluding pointedly to his 
conversations with Mr. Packenham, he said that " jiossibly 
Santa Anna's object in proposing the armistice might be 
to gain time for disposing of Yucatan "' " with the i)urpose 
of taking active measures afterwards to subjugate Texas.'' 
It was intendc(l to let me understand, if I could see it, 
that this was clearly Mr. Packenham's opinion. Many of 
you will remember that Yucatan was at tliat time in insur- 
rection. I need not dwell longer on the armistice — it 
had no results — it did not imjiede nor hasten annexa- 
tion. President Houston at once saw through it and 
promptly disavowed the acts of the Texas commissioners. 
This step of Gen. Houston excited some surprise — events 
vindicated his sagacity. 

Near tlie close of 1843, to wit, Oct. 16 of that year, Mr, 
r^pshur, American secretary of state, pro[)Osed to Texas in 
the solemn form of intercourse between nations, tlirough 
Mr. A^an Zaiidt, Texas minister at ^V^ashington, to make a 
treaty of annexation. Previously he had on ditlerent oc- 
casions called Mr. Yaii Zandt's attention to this subject 
and had informed him that " he had been actively engaged 
in preparing the minds of the American people for it." 
This preparing the minds of the people meant not only 
the setting forth of the general substantive advantages to 



60 Reminiscences of the 

them of annoxatioii and tlie appealiiiii; to the Anii'h) Nor- 
man greed foi- land, tor territory and also tlie urging- upon 
tlieir attention the singulai'ly vulnerable south-western 
frontier as it tlien existed ; l»ut it meant also inflaming 
the public mind still more by charging on the British go- 
vernment tlie maehinations and plots of the anti-shiverv 
fanatics for interfering with southern institutions, and on 
that government the fixed purpose to secure a firm footing 
in Texas and control over its [)oliey. A treaty of annexa- 
tion, as is well known, was negotiated — after long pmding 
]»efore the Ameriean senate it was rejected. While this 
treaty was so }>ending, its rejection was foreseen by tlie 
l>ritish and Freneh governments, and distinctly forctt)ld 
by them to your speaker. 

After the rejection of the treaty, the two Kuropean 
governments unch-rtook tlie settlement of the ri'lations of 
Texas and Mexico in \igorous earnest. Siiiqily alluding 
to the fact that tlie United States after inviting aniu'xa- 
tion had receded from their invitation, tlie British ministei- 
said in effect — we have hitherto in good faith earnestly, re- 
jicatedly [tressed on Mexico our good offices sujtjtorted l)y 
the strongest arguments in favor of peace on the basis of 
iudependeiuH'. In this we ha\t' acted in the interi'st of hotli 
t-ountries, in the interi'st of humanity, of the pi'ace of the 
world, in the interests of commerce, ^'ou could not ex- 
pect us to use more stringent means. Mr. i'olk, denu)- 
cratic candidate for the [U'esidency, declared for aniu'.xatioii. 
Mr. Clay, the leader and exponent of the whig parly, in a 
public letter gave as his reason I'oi' opposing annexa- 
tion that it \vould be the adoption of the war with Mexico. 
''You cannot," added the IJritish minister, '' ex[iect us to 
beat the bush for the Tnited Stati-s to catch tlu' bird." 



Texas Republic. 61 

TfTt'xas now, said 1k', wishes to remain a pcniiaiiciitly 
separate, iii(lei»eii(leii( state, [teaee sliall lie established. 

Accordingly in eJune, 1844, Lord AUerdeen pi-oposeil 
to the minister of Texas to " pass a di[)lomatie act," in 
Avhieh tive [)owers should he invited to participate — to 
wit : Great Britain, France, the United States, Texas and 
Mexico. Tlie basis ot" the pro[)ose(l diplomatic act was 
peace l)etwecn Texas and .NK'xico and tiic permanent 
se}iarate in(h'pc'ndcncc of Texas — the [)artics to the act 
to be its guarantors. '' The L' nited Htates would be invited 
to be a party to the act, l)ut it was not expected that they 
would acH'cpt the in\itation."' It was believed Mexico 
would participate, hut, in case (»f her refusal, Knglaiid, 
France and Texas, having passed the actas between them- 
selves, Mexico would be imme<liatcly '' forced to abide its 
terms. The act if passed only by tlie three powers would 
not he ahandoned — it would l>e maintained." The terms, 
effect and possible t-onsetpieiict'S to the several |iartics to 
the act, and to powers not parties to it, were maturely 
considered, fully discussed and cleai'ly understood between 
Loi'd Aberdeen and the miidster of Texas. The two 
European powers asked no privileges, hinted at none, did 
not proi)ose to touch diri'ctly or indirectly, made no allu- 
sion e\'en to any institutions of Texas, nor to its domestic 
or foreign policy outside the express terms ol" the act. 
These were limited ahsolutely to the objects on the face 
of it — peace aiul permanent indepen<lence. 

'J'lu' French governnu'ut, both the king in person and 
Monsieur ( Jui/-ot, in response to my ini|uiries replied that 
tliey would unite in the diplomatic act embracing the 
terms proposed by Ijord Ahei'deen, 'I'his coo[»eration of 
France, Texas also agreeing, would have made the diplo- 



62 Remixiscexces of the 

matic act a certainty and secured peace with Mexico and 
tlic si'parate permanent inde}>endence of Texas. An in- 
cident occurred in this connection which illustrates Louis 
Philippe's ready use of idiomatic English and the fact that 
at times at least he was his own minister. On a visit of 
courtesy to him at the palace of Keuilly, after conversation 
on otlicr to])ics, I said that I wished before leaving for 
London to make an iiKjuiry of Monsieur (luizot, if Icould 
do so without indiscretion, whether the French go\-crn- 
nient wonld unite with the British cabinet in the diplo- 
matic act. Tht' king [)romptly rejoined — " As for the 
(HU'sfioii ijitii put to ntc, Mr. Smith, I am ready to answer 
it now. "' It was not witli him " 'ni h)f/i//r>/ of Monsieur 
Guizo( '^ — it was a '■'■ ijiiesfioit piil" to himself. The next 
day I found Monsieur (luizot ready, without any [ireface, 
with his athrmati\-e rc[»ly. 

In answer to my dis[)atches to the Texas dejiartnient of 
state, communicating the jiroposition for a diplomatic act 
with the tenor of its terms. President Houston, in a note 
written in his own hand, iiisti'ucted his secretary of state, 
Di". Anson Joiu's, to foi'ward imnuMliately to Ashbel Smith 
instructions to conchi(U' the dii)h)matic act on the terms 
liroposed l)y Lord Ahcr(h'cii. Instead of sending instruc- 
tions as ordered, Mr. .lones sent me a h'a\-e of absence to 
return to Texas. Mr. Jones was not ouly secretary of 
state ; he was then ])resident elect. 

Great evi-nts in human history appear often to hiM-aused 
liy slight or contingent eii-eumstances. More jirofound 
study leads to the eonelusion that great t'\-ents find their 
li'ue cause in iinmutahle (acts and in ri[>i'ness of circum- 
stances; that contingent ineidents are occasions merely, 
not causes. 



Texas Kepfbltc. 63 

Still, we niiglit pause \\vvv and conU'iiiiilatv what order 
of tliinii-s would probably liave followed liad Mr. Jones 
obeyed the orders of President Houston. T\\v P)ritisb 
minister was ready — tlie Count de Ste Aulaire, Freucli 
aml)assador at London, was ready with instruetions and 
full i.owers to pass tlie act. There were no new points to 
be discussed and settled. The negotiation might have 
been eomi.leted at a single sitting. The act i-ould have 
been forwarded to Texas as soon as the clerks could have 
prepared engrossed coi»ies. The senate, i)i'ol»al)ly both 
houses of the Texas congress, would liave been immediately 
convened. I was not in Texas at the time, but jiersons of 
different parties, thoroughly conversant Avith jiublic senti- 
ment, liave led me to believe that an honorable treaty 
bringing i)eaee to this land would have been accepted with 
shouts of joy. Such was the opinion of Sam Houston. 
Such was the opinion of Anson Jones. I had it from 
themselves. The diplomatic act negotiated in conformity 
with the instructions of Tresident Houston, as just stated, 
would have been submitted to the people of Texas at a 
moment when annexation twice spurned by the United 
States seemed hopeless. The excitement on the subject 
of British meddling with American slavery had not yet 
been fanned into a Hame in tlie ITnited States, had not yet 
reached Texas — the minds of politicians in Texas had not 
yet been temjtted and da/zled into extreme eagerness by 
promises of ofHee under federal appointment — the masses 
of the ])eople of Texas had not yet been cajoled into a 
desire for annexation l)y unstinted [iromises of the gi-eat 
and goodly things which the administration at Washington 
was burning to do for Texas, so soon as it should become 
a member of the American union. The counti-y had but 



64 Reminiscences of the 

one wisli then — tliat wisli wus for peace. The promises 
of Mr. Polk's adiniiiistratioii arc utterly unredeemed to 
tliis day. 

\Vould war have followed the passing of the diplomatic 
act 't AVoiild an attempt luive been made by the United 
States to enforce what is called the Monroe doctrine l)y 
an ajypeal tt) arms? No. The TTnitcd States had spurned 
the admission of Texas — they had l)een invited to take part 
in the proposed negotiations — they \V(Mdd have had to con- 
front Great Britain and France with Spain and Mexico, In- 
dividuals talk flii»pantly of war — men at the head of atfairs 
are conscious of responsil)ility. .\nd on the other hand 
turning our thoughts for a moment to later, to very re- 
cent time, and referring to the mightiest matter which has 
befallen this people since their birth as a nation in 1776, 
would Texas have been drawn into the war of secession ? 
Would there rather have Ijcen an exodus from other states 
to Texas, an independent republic, like the people of God 
of old, to a promised land ? 



Wh}- did Anson Jones, secretary of state, disobey the 
orders of President Sam Houston ? Wliy did he not send 
instructions to Ashbel Smith to ]>ass the diplomatic act ? 
Jt is scarcely possible for me to be in ei'ror in asserting 
that Mr. Jones declined to send nie the instructions, be- 
cause he intc'nded to niaki' the di}»loniatic act, bringing 
honorahle peace and indeiiendence, a measure, and it would 
have pi'oved, as he clearly saw, the }>rominent measure, of 
his administration. It did not enter his thouiihts to 



Texas Republic. 65 

op[tose, t(» atU'iinit to tlnvart tlio wishes of tlie people of 
Texas. Aniu'xatioii, Just simnuMl again, ap[»ear('(l inde- 
finitely postponed if not forever hopeless. He said to 
Ashhel Smith on his return from Europe and entering on 
his new duties as secretary of state : " It was liardly fair 
to deprive yon of the honor of negotiating a treaty in 
London, hut the negotiation shall tnkv place here, and you 
as secretary of state shall conduct it for Texas." He re- 
marked tliat as president elect he had the right to decline 
oheying the orders of President Houston in ([uestion. 
But events culminating in annexation were crowding on 
too rapidly, too }»o\vei-fully, to suffer stay ; they outstrijjped 
every other policy. New impulses too Wi're added to this 
movement. Some of this 1 pro}»ose to mention jiresently 
in hrief detail. 

Matters also had ripened in Mexico, prol>ahly in some 
degree under British and French intluence. ft is certain 
that Mexico changed its policy towards Texas in view of 
Texas becoming, as an independent power, a harrit-r 
against encroachment l)y the United States. Such en- 
croachment seems to have heen a source of ap[)rt'ln'nsion 
to every Mexican adnnnistration. In January, 1845, I had 
an interview with Senor Arrangoiz, Mexican consul gene- 
ral, resident at New Orleans. We met singularly, hy 
arrangement of the late Edmund I. Forstall, in Col. For- 
stall's office. No other person than Sehor Arrangoiz was 
at any moment ])resentat the interview — no introduction 
of any kind — neither his name or (pialily nor mine was 
pronounced — he had l>een jtersonally (lescrii)ed to me. 
Entering the office alone, 1 found sitting there alone a 
gentlenuin of quite fair comjdexion — we commenced 
talking — the interview lasted long — the range of topics 
6 



66 Reminiscences of the 

and views was wide and eompreliensive. I left satisfied 
that Mexico would make peace on the hasis of independ- 
ence. 

No action had been taken in Texas responsive to the 
proffered diplomatic act. The British and French cahinets 
nevertheless continued to pursue vigorously their efforts 
to ju-ocure peace for Texas l)y the most urg-ent representa- 
tions in favor of it to the Mexican cahinet. They were 
kept fully aware, by the reports of their diplomatic repre- 
sentatives in Texas and in the United States, of the great 
and increasing excitement in the United States on the 
subject of Texas and of the fierce and unscrupulous activity 
with whie-li the politicians of the o[»position liere strove to 
drive President Jones into the adoption of their own wild 
schemes. Had they succeeded, had ^Ir. Jones ipiailed, 
had he given way before their menaces of violent over- 
throw of his administration, this fair commonwealth of 
Texas would have been then wrecked. Their schemes 
were nothing less or other than, taking inspiration from 
their wild wishes and confident of the speedy passing of 
some measure of annexation, to declare the govci-iniicnt 
of the rcpul)lic of Texas at an end and to abide the organ- 
ization of a new government after the federal government 
should have passed an act of annexation. They seemed 
to have a vague notion of some such unintelligible pro- 
cedure as throwing themselves into the arms of the United 
States. 

It was among these schemes to renew active luxstilities 
against Mexico by sending forward the militia of Texas 
to operate on the Rio Grande frontiei'. In this i-csump- 
tion of hostilities there was neither military plan, nor 
means, nor capable head, nor reasonable object. Its pur- 



Texas Republic. 67 

pose was by exasperating Mexico to destroy the [»rospects 
of peace. For it'iK-aci' with Mexico were tc'iuKTctl, tliese 
|)()litic'iaiis, wlioiii I sliall presently characterize, feared 
the people would embrace it. This project seems to have 
originated in the United States east oftlie Sabine ; for after 
the passage of the annexation resolutions h\ the American 
congress, the same policy of sending the Texas militia to 
the Rio Grande was vehemently urged on President Jones 
by fclie agents of the administration at Washington. Its 
purpose was to [)rovoke Mexico to strike the first blow in 
the war whieh was deemed not improbable to grow out of 
annexation. It was a lost fear. There survived in 
Mexico enough of the uufoi-giving Castilian j)ride to need 
no [irieking on. Mexico, as is known, struck promptly, 
first, and with her might. I return to our immediate sub- 
i ect. 

More than thirty years have now elapsed, and I look 
back with admiration on the sublime calmness of Mr. 
Jones, who pursued the unruffled tenor of duty amidst 
threats, denunciations and falsehoods in newspapers, in 
pul)lic speeehes, amidst insidious plots to l)etra3' him into 
fatal measures and to overturn his administration. I may 
here repeat for the younger memi)ers of my audience, that 
I am not adverting to vague rumors whieh startle for an 
instant like a jack o' lantern and then vanish ; but of false 
statements, such as were published in letters over the 
respectal)le name of Ex-President John Tyler. 

The people of Texas, as so often stated, ha<l longed for 
peace, had repeatedly under every administration, through 
congressional as well as executive action, importuned 
foreign powers to emph)y their good offices to obtain it for 
Texas. These efforts were now about to be crowned with 



68 Reminiscences of the 

success ill the firm estal)lisliment of durable peace. This 
fact was well known. There was no secrecy about it. 
Was it for President Jones to turn on France and Eng- 
land and say to these friends we don't want any more of 
your o'ood offices? We can o-et alono; now without vou? 
Was he too to forget the rougli snubbing Texas had had 
to put u[) with when applying, and once on invitation, 
for admission into the union? Was he to forget that an- 
nexation was not yet an accomplished fact? ^ 

But why did England and France continue to press their 
peace measures, as they did even after the passage of the 
annexation act by the American congress? We must bear 
in mind as a general rule of action of these gove-rnments, 
that having delil)erately adopted a course of action tliey d<^ 
not hastily in mid ocean abandon it. Relying on their 
ministers in Texas they were led to believe that honorable 
peace witli independence being tendered to the peo})le of 
Texas, the }teo])le would embrace it. These ministers 
being here could judge for themselvi's of pul)lic o[>inion. 
They formed their judgment from all tlie elements of ac- 
tion and so informed their governments. Any attempt to 
mish'ad these gentlemen would have pro\'ed a mortitying 
failure; but no such attem|)t in any degi-ee was made. 
Moreover their attention was sjieeially invited to the re- 
presentative character of the Texas government. This 
was dechii'ed in formal terms in the protocol aeeompanv- 
ing the peace negotiations with Mexico : it was I'cad by 
Ashbel Smith to (^iptaiii Klliot and M. de Saligny. This 
pi'otocol was puhlished several years ago. In these trying 
and difficult times Anson Jones indulged in none of the 
(heap sentimental Americanism then so rife — lie made 
no professions, he was carried awa\- l»y no liilse enthn- 



Texas "Republic. 69 

siasm — lie did not despair i>t' tlic tortiincs of Texas — lie 
was not l)lowii about — lie did not falter — and, with con- 
summate wisdom, lie did not precipitate action. With 
him it was at all tinn's the calm transaction of husiness. 
Peace prottered he would [)res('nt it to the people. An- 
nexation tendered he would present it to the people. Both 
within reach at the same time, he wouhl present liotli to 
the people for Ihcir ojition, for fJteir selection, for thcif de- 
terpiination. His |)ersonal preference for annexation or 
for peace did not mould, did not bias his action as chief 
executive otHeer of Texas. The foreio;n ministers l)elieved 
him lukewarm on annexation — tliey did not err — he man- 
fully and honestly did liis duty. 

Where Avas Sam Houston and ^\■hat pai'tdid he enact in 
these impetuous times ? He could not lie ignored, thougli 
again a private citizen. I found him at the seat of govern- 
ment at Washington on the Braj^os on my arrival there 
from London and Paris in February, 1845. He generally 
abstained from much talking — no man conhl better be 
silent when he wished to lie, when it was not his cue to 
talk — but his silence was not equivocal — he stood a 
giant of power in the land — he stood by President Jones 
and on his strong arm Mr. Jones visibly leaned for sujtjjort. 
President Jones's administration was in all its leading 
policy a continuation of the preceding administratiim of 
President Houston. 

General Houston was not considered to be \-ery ardt'ut 
for annexation — nor was he. In my oj»inion liis ivrn 
judgment — and in him judgment was [ireeminently 
calm and tlioughtful, his \ery bursts of tempestuous 
passion were premeditated — his own judgment was 
opposed to annexation. In intercourse with Houston 



70 Reminiscences of the 

nuiiiing through more tliau a ({uarter of a century, I 
never imaguiod there was more than one human heing 
to wliose judgment hv deferred and to whicli he 
postponed liis own. That man was Andrew Jackson. 
Gen. Jackson wrote to Gen. Houston more than once 
urging annexation. Those letters were not shown hyhim 
at the time. I have never seen them. No man ever loved 
the American union, the United States, witli more intense 
aft'eetion than Houston. He had [toured out the hlood of 
his youth like water in its battles. But he had grave 
doubts whether the welfare of Texas or of the Hnited 
States would be promoted l)y their union under one com- 
mon government. 

An incident whicli then occurred is not without signifi- 
cance as to the opinions he tlien pondered over. He was 
leaving Washington on flic Brazos for eastern Texas one 
morning in February, 1.S45. He came into lu}^ private 
room, booted, spurred, whip in hand. Said he, " Saxe 
Weimar" — the name of his saddle liorse — "■ is at the door, 
saddled, r have come to k^ave Houston's last words with 
you. If the congress of the United States shall not by tlie 
fourth of March pass some nu'asure oi" annexation which 
Texas can witli honor accede to, Houston \N'ill take the 
stump against annexation foi-all time to come."" When he 
wished to l)c emphatic lie spoke of li'imself by name, 
Houston, in the third |iei-son. Without another word, 
embracing after his fashion, he mouiiti'<l and left. 

(iieneraj Houston and I'^x-rresidcnt dones afterwai'ds 
becanu' vei'v uidi-it-ndjy. ITilter things wert' said on either 
side. I>itter things lia\'e since l»een, unwisely as 1 tliink, 
published. Despitt' all afterthought, theiv was during all 
this period, in the main, conlidence and friendly counsel 



Texas Republic. 71 

between them. Tlie personal liostilitv was cliicflv created 
afterwards Ity tale-bearing politicians, who had an interest 
ill arraying- Gen. Houston against Mr. Jones. The joint 
resolution of the United States congress was interpreted 
to authorize annexation by resolution or by treaty, (ien- 
eral Houston oiu-e told me that he advised Mi". -lones to 
insist on the mode by treaty as it is among the incidents 
of a treaty that it can be abrogated. Whether any im- 
portance is to he attributed to this distinction, the idea 
indicates an underlying animus of Houston. He expressed 
himself as displeased at President Jones's repudiation of 
his advice. 

I stated a few moments since that President Jones's ad- 
ministration was in its policy a continuation of that of 
Houston's. It belongs to the times of which we are treat- 
ing to mention the leading features of that policy. The 
contemplation of them at this day will not hurt us. A 
hard money currency, gold and silver — a paper currency 
in general condemned in the messages both of General 
Houston and of Mr. Jones — economy, aj»propriations 
never exceeding the ciu'reiit incoming revenues — no in- 
crease of the public debt — no offensive hostile expeditions 
against Mexico while that country confined itself to 
threats — peace with Mexico by friendly negotiation and 
not by further con(|uest — peace with the Indian tril)es by 
maintaining on our side good faith with them — })eace at 
home under the lays administered by the nuirfs of (he 
coiintrii — these formed the j>ermaneiit policy of Texas 
under !Sam Houston's and Anson Jones's administrations. 
Permit me to relate an incident. At one period the war 
fever run very high, and on one occasion a committee of 
gallant gentlemen waited on Houston asking his advice 



72 Keminiscences of the 

and coojteratioii, and tliev requested him to address our 
fellow citizens in this sense. He made a puhlic speech 
which he concluded with advice as he had heen desired to 
give it. This advice was in two words — ^'- phmt corn." 



At the close of the short session of the American con- 
gress, March, 1845, the joint resolution authorizing an- 
nexation was passed. About the same time that intelligence 
of its passage reached Texas came also ofhcial information 
that Mexico would conclude a peace on the basis of inde- 
pendence. This power had re(juired that Texas should 
tirst sign the preliminary treat)'. This preliminary treatj^ 
embodying all essential provisions, was signed by the Texas 
secretary of state, Ashl »el Smith. It was carried to Mexico 
by the British minister, Captain Elliot. This course was 
in pursuance of the mediation repeatedly asked for almost 
to importunity, of the English and French governments. 
The preliminary treaty was signed by the Mexican secre- 
tary of state, Don Luis G. Cuevas — apjiroved ]\v Ilerrera, 
president of Mexico — and ratified 1)V an immense ma- 
joi'ity by (he Mexican congress. Otiicial news of this 
ratitication reached Texas. This was peace, peace so long 
desired, peace so earnestly prayed for. But the people of 
Texas now would have none of it. They appeared frantic 
in their hostility to it. 

Whence came this hostility, taken by itself so inexplica- 
ble ? Whence came this new horn hostility":' 

'^I'here was in Texas a party composi-d of gentlemen of 
great ability, of former jiubiic services, of high aiiihition, 
of ardent imaginations, of lofty patriotism, opjiosetl to tiie 



Texas Republic. 73 

administrations of Sam Houston and of Anson Jones, Avith 
the unreasoninii- energy so often characteristic of party 
contests. Tliey were out of office which they coveted, and 
the success of the Houstonian policy already adverted to, 
crowned with peace, seemed to insure indetinite continu- 
ance in power of the Houston party and indctiniti' exclu- 
sion of the lea(K'i-s of the o])position. The promises of 
hiii'li othce made to them hy annexation emissaries, of 
whom 1 shall speak presently, told on these gentlemen. 
T do not im}»ugn their ])atriotism, Init these promises told 
on them, perhaps unconsciously to themselves. Among 
them were some of the l)ravest spirits that fought at San 
Jacinto and who had home full share in organizing the 
government of the repuhlic. In the opposition also were 
adventurous spirits wliose day dreams were of warlike 
expeditions, men as hold, as ardent, as Cortez or Pizarro, 
and A\hose fancies revelled in desperate l)attles and in im- 
aginary plunder of the halls of the Montezumas. Tlie 
pacific policy of Houston, long and solid peace with Mexico, 
sounded a long farewell, the occupation gone for these 
restless spirits. The contingencies of annexation ofi:ered 
chances of war. War came, hut alas for tlu'ir dreams, it 
was waged under other auspices, other leaders, other 
counsels, in none of which had they part. 

But how came the masses of the people to he so changed, 
so roused, so excited, so unanimous in favor of annexa- 
tion ? A somewhat succinct statement is needed to un- 
derstand the events of the six months next preceding 
annexation. 

The acciuisition of Texas hecame the cherished policy 
of Mr. Tyler's achninistration. He left it an unimpaired 
inheritance to rresident l*olk and the [)arty of which he 
V 



74 Reminiscences of the 

was the exponent. It would be childish to attribute their 
policy to friendship for Texas. N'ations and political 
parties have no cousins. The party now in question 
coveted Texas for their own fame, for their own political 
advantage, for using it as subservient to the strength of 
the United States. Texas was becoming so prosperous — 
its capacity for self government estal)lished — its foreign 
relations so friendly and advantageous — peace with Mexico 
in prospect with certainty of speedy accomplishment — 
they who had before spurned Texas might now ^vell fear 
that tlie next refusal would come from this side of the 
Sabine, and the refusal would be final. Texas would no 
longer be used as a makeweight in United States party 
contests. There was no time to lose. The whole en- 
ginery of political manreuvering was employed with extra- 
ordinary activity. To the initiated in Texas, and to the 
discontented, most urgent appeals in letters were addressed, 
the country was deluged with United States partisan 
newspapers charging in ex])ress terms the government of 
Texas, embracing General Houston with President Jones 
and gentlenu'U holding otlice under him, with most odious 
crimes. Si)ecific crimes were alleged against these gentle- 
men, which if true would have consigned them to infamy. 
Treason, that vague reproach of which we have heard a 
disgusting surfeit these latter years, were bandied with- 
out stint. 

One example is enough. The subsidized Ncir Oiieajts 
Picayune charged (leneral Houston with '' ti-cason, bri- 
bery, and corru]>tion.'' And in connection with this topic 
to state what has l)een already adverted to, that President 
Jones togetlier with the minister of Texas to Great Britain 
was charged with being in a i»lot to sell Texas to Great 



Texas Eepubltc. 75 

Britain for u-old. And " Britisli s^-old" was inoiitlu'd as 
briskly as if they who did ao had seen it (.'ouutod out. The 
British cabinet was charged witli deep and damning vil- 
hiiny in schemes against Texas, unparalleled since the 
conspiracy of Spain against the Venetian republic. If 
Americans have had one passion more ingrained than any 
other, it has been jealousy of England. The people of 
Texas inherited it. That T uuiy not do injustice to our 
own people, neither to their intelligence nor patriotism, I 
beg to recall to your recollection the nefarious schemes and 
plots of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society 
of England, whicli T have already nientionech These 
wretclied fanatics prosecuted their plans witli remorseless 
energy. They did not scruple to allow it to go forth that 
they were at least countenanced by their own government. 
They surely were not countenanced l)y the party then in 
power. Lord Aberdeen regarded these individuals with 
ill concealed disgust. Still many honest minded intelli- 
gent gentlemen in America could not resist the suspicion 
that they were secretly viewed with favor by the British 
government. I entertained a similar apprehension until 
disaliused by careful observation. The British minister 
to Texas, who it was said owed his appointment to the 
great political influence of the Elliots in England, l)eing 
an avowed aholitionist was a faet ealeulated to give credit 
to suspicions of this character. 

In Texas at that day, when the masses of the [)eople 
were as intelligent, as high toned, as zealous, as patriotic 
as gentlemen t^f the elass eommonly considered leaders of 
public o[)inion, it was a mattei' of course that the false- 
hoods and suspicions adverted to should tell on the masses 
of our peo[»le. They did so. But this was not all. 



76 Reminiscences of the ■ 

Major Donelson, tlie regularly at'creclited minister, and 
other official agents sent to Texas l»_v the administratioli 
of President Polk, were most lavish of their averments of 
what the federal government would do for Texas so soon 
as the consummation of annexation would enable them to 
execute tlieir [)romises. Among the most distinguislied 
of these official agents were Ex-Governor Yell of Arkansas, 
General Wicklitf of Kentucky, Commodore Stockton of 
the United States navy. Tlie promises were among others 
to clear out our rivers for navigation, to deepen the en- 
trances of our harbors, to Imild light lunises on our coast 
for commerce, to erect military works, fortifications for 
the defense of the coast, to execute im[)ortant works of 
internal im[trovement, and to do various and sundi-y 
other good things for Texas which were l)eyond our 
means, or which they could do for us l>ettcr than we of 
ourselves could. Under tlie fostering protecti(»n of the 
United States it was gloi'iously [irojihesied, witli spread 
eagle magnilo([uence, that ("qiital would How into Texas 
in ocean streams to develop and utilize our inealeulalile 
natural resources. Em[»loyuient, wealth, pi-osperity would 
reign in this land. Tlere iu the west lay tlie inexhausti- 
ble Orient. It would atfoi'(l the administration at AVash- 
inu'ton its ehiefest pleasure to do iu one word all goodly 
things for us. I can vou^'h for these facts. Tliey are 
known to nie of jiersonal knowledge. Major l>onelson 
and Gov. ^*ell e\patiat<,'d on tluse jironiises in my hearing. 
I know that both these gi'utlemen were accredited from 
AN'asirmgton city. 

1 ha\e the authority of tlie kite lloiiorahle Khenezer 
Allen, successively attorney geiiei-al and secretary of state 
under rnsidentAnson dones, for the fact that (Jeneral 



Texas "Repfblic. 77 

'\\''irklifFandroiiimo(l()ro Stocktmi wore ein[»1c\yod on the 
same mission of scattering promises broadcast tlirougliout 
the land. Public opinion was rapidly manufactured. 
Public meetings were called by active partisans aud attbe 
instigation often of the gentlemen Just named ; the magni- 
ficent promises were unfolded ; suspicions were aroused 
and practiced on : the ]>eople were intlanu'd. It should 
pcsrhaps be stated in tliis connection, with more directness 
than in the allusion T made a moment since, that the ad- 
ministration agents just mentioned were unstinted in 
j)romises, addressed directly to active politicians who were 
deemed apiiroaehable, and indirectly to gentlemen whom 
it would not have been discreet to api»r()ach in such style, 
of appointment to othce by the federal administration as 
soon as Texas should be a state and themselves citizens 
of the United States. 

Under such influences, relying on the promises made 
l)y tlie federal otticials, and animated by affection foi- the 
country of their bii'th, the strongest after all of the motives 
governing tlieir actions, the people of Texas with over- 
whelming unanimity rejected the overtures of peace from 
Mexico, sacrificed as on an altar their independent au- 
tonomy, voted lor annexation and became a state of the 
American union. 

I need notsto]» here, gentlemen of the historical society, 
to say tliat neither the promises of office to indi\idua1s — 
we do not care enough for theii- disappointment to rt'gret 
or l)e pleased — nor the promises ol" genei'osity and muni- 
ficence to Texas, have in aught or in any <legree been 
fulfilled. I now recall as tlu'ir only l>estowal two incorrect 
and calumnious letters published by President Tyler atti'r 
the close ol" his term of office. If Texas renuiins undi- 



78 Reminiscences of the 

videcl, it is sufficient unto itself; anrl, its teemiui^, swelling 
population, already approaching two millions, will tell in 
national councils and on the men who shall direct them. 

Annexation being rendered certain, President Jones 
sent your speaker to Europe to close up in a becoming 
manner our legations there. General Terrell, who had 
been sent to London where he still was, could do no official 
act as his nomination for ministci- had been rejected by 
the Texas senate. President Jones did not think it ne- 
cessary, on closing the old rei>ublic of Texas, to signalize 
his enthusiasm for annexation b^^ throwing the friendly 
intercourse, the numerous good offices, the warm support 
that had been rendered to Texas by the European powers, 
and the peace they had obtained for us, hack into their 
face without the dieaii courtesy of saying good bye. 
Tiiere were, too, sonu^ minor forms and duties which could 
not be hoiioi'ably or decently omitted. It woiihl not be 
worth while to mention matters like this, were n(»t this 
visit of the Texas ministci- denounced and the statement 
vouched for in newspapers ;ind print(Ml letters, that he 
was sent to in\'oke Kngland and Fi'ance to intervene with 
arms in Texas affiiirs and to receive for the two eminent 
patriots, whom the [)eo[)le of Texas had chosen to preside 
in its government, fabulous sums of money as the wages 
of treacherv — sums of money that existed only in the un- 
sonndlv moralized imaginations of those who vented the 
e;ihinni\-. Uating its insoh^nre, the ignorance of a leading 
New ()rh'ans jiapi'r \v:is bidicrous in its eoinphiint that 
till' 'l\'xas minister had p:issed through that city withoul. 
infoi'ming the editor of his insi met ions, and where he was 
going and what he was going after. 

President dones convened the Texas congress, called a 



Texas Kepuhlic. 79 

convention of the people. Tlie overtures of Mexico and 
those of the United States were suhmitted to them. Tlie 
measures necessary to consummate annexation were 
passed. President .lones hearin<i- liimself the while witli 
careful judii'nient and uTeat disei-etion, amid wild threats 
and wilder counsels — in hoiui'ly ]tlii-ase he waited for 
the wao:on : and all was well accomplished. 



A very few words concerning the opinions and course 
of leading men in Texas on the great measures T Viave 
heen considering and T have done. 

That I may not trespass too long on your patience I 
forhear to speak as fully as I wish of the part borne 
during these times hy Ex-President General Lamar, of 
Judge Burnet and other eminent patriots of Texas, men 
of great public services, of distinguished ability and wide 
influence. They were less conspicuous during the last 
acts of the drama, running through four years, because 
they held no office. Opposition to annexation was 
proclaimed by General Lamar and the political party 
which acted with him, as a leading policy of his adminis- 
tration. Of this i)arty A^ice President P)urnet was a 
cons[»icuous member. At a later ]»eriod, near the t-lose of 
the republic, they and their ])arty had become warm 
friends of annexation. I need not add that these two 
gentlemen did not ]>articipate in the wild t'xcitcment of 
inferior men. J^oiig as 1 iiave detained you 1 must beg 
your patience for a few words concerning these gentle- 
men. The aii'e of chivalry could never ha\e shown a 



80 Reminiscences of the 

more knightly paladin, a more princelj' troubadour, than 
Miraheau B. Lamar. He knew not tlie emotion of per- 
sonal fear, the stern simplicity of his love of justice was 
never marred by a scliish motive. David G. Burnet 
united the perfcrjidm/i /'iH/cniu/ii of tlie Seotch character 
with the unheiidinii' sternness of ])rin('i]il(,' of an old cove- 
nanter. Old John Knox would have hugged such a 
character with grim delight. It does not detract from the 
virtues of these gentlemen that neither of them possessed 
eminent administrative capacity, nor in a high degree 
that knowledge of human nature and tact in managing 
men which inferior men often acquire; nor that }»olitical 
wisTlom and statesmanship accorded to hut few, luit still 
indispensal)le in moulding forming institutions and in con- 
ducting puldic atfairs during periods of transition and 
danger. 

Was General Houston in favor of or o])posed to annexa- 
tion? Tliis question has already and perhajis sufficiently 
heen answered. I add another word. In my opinion his 
strong judgment preponderated in favor of sc]>arate inde- 
pendence. In 1836, he voted for annexation for a ri'ason 
he stated to 3'our speaker — he did not then think tliat the 
people of Texas were capahlc of sustaining an inde})endent 
government. Time rolled on, he believed Texas capable 
of self-government. To his judgment it seemed a grave 
proldcm whether it was not ln'tter for Texas, better for 
the United States, better for the cause of liberty and re- 
])nhlican institutions, tliat there should be two great self- 
governing peoples instead of a single one. Hut once again 
become a citizen of the I'nited States, there was not 
within its hrond l)oi'(h'rs a moi'e sincere, devoted friend 
to the union than Sam Houston. 



Texas Eepublic. 81 

What was President Anson Jones's opinion on this cardi- 
nal matter ? I was clearly of the belief that he would have 
preferred independence to annexation. He subsequently 
declared himself the most decided friend and promoter of 
annexation. In conducting affairs during tliis critical pe- 
riod, lie never for a moment forgot that he was the repre- 
sentative of the people, not their ruler. 

I have had in this address much to say of Sam Houston 
and of Anson Jones. I shall not now at least attempt 
sketches of their characters nor an eulogy of their services 
to Texas. May it not l^e permitted to an old Texian who 
served under them to apply to each of these gentlemen, in 
contemplation of their services, the inscription which I 
read on marble many years ago in Santa (>roce, fanto, 
nomini, nulhiin par elof/ium ? 

The Hon. Ebenezer Allen, a gentleman of extraordinary 
legal acumen. President Jones's attorney general and last 
secretary of state, his most trusted adviser, was frankly 
and at all times, and by his writings in the official organ 
of the Texas government, an opponent of annexation. 

Judge Ochiltree was decidedly friendly to annexation. 
Col, "Wm, G. Cooke seemed to me never to trouble his 
head about the matter. These gentlemen, as you are aware, 
were members of President Jones's cabinet. 

The opinion or wishes of Aslibel Smith as an individual 
are of no moment. But as he was secretary of state or 
minister of Texas at London and at Paris, and familial- 
with all negotiations during all this period, it may be pro- 
per to state his opinion. He advised adversely to passing 
the diplomatic act — when peace and independence were 
proffered by Mexico, his judgment was inclined to accept 
them. When the decision of the people was clear for an- 



IT "V 



82 Reminiscences of the Texas Republic. 

nexation, and its accomplishment a foregone conclusion, 
he squarely took ground in its favor and voted for it, on 
the avowed reason that in an irreversil)le act he would 
not in sentiment he separated from his own peojile. 

I must close. After all individuals do not control great 
events in the history of nations. These events take place 
when the time for them is ripe. So it was with annexa- 
tion. The time for it had come. We are now a portion 
of the great American union. Its fortunes are our for- 
tunes — its prosperity is our jtrosperity — its honor is our 
honor — its glory is our glory. May the union, its pros- 
perity, its honor, its glory be eternal. 



